Then the five activists proceed to interpret the phrase, right of the people", not by putting "normal" and "ordinary" meanings on the words, but by considering the "context" of the phrase. However, they never announced they were adopting a rule of construction regarding "context."
"Context", according to the well established common law rules of construction existent at the time the Constitution was made, may be considered, if the meaning of a word is still dubious after applying the usual and most known signification of the word. However, Scalia and his little band of judicial activists didn't adopt the common law rules of construction existent at the time the Constitution was made.
The five activist use, or rather misuse, "context" to make an end run around the usual and most known significations of the words "right" and "people." They probably didn't like the "most known signification" of the word "people", which is " humans considered as a group or in indefinite numbers", which points towards a collective right to keep and bear arms.
The Court is using a technique I like to call "switching authorities." When they interpret one word, the controlling authority is the normal and ordinary meanings of words. However, when they interpret the next word, Joel Tiffany is the authority. When they construe the next word, "context" is the authority.
The Court is just using whatever rule takes them to the meaning they want a particular word to have.
Scalia and his little band of judicial activist weren't "seeking" anything but a pretext to graft their personal opinions onto the Second Amendment.
Yeah well, so you say.
The five activists proclaim the adoption of a great guiding principle of Constitutional construction, then immediately proceed to ignore it, and construe the Second Amendment according to the way Joel Tiffany understood it.
I know this is probably difficult for you to fathom but has the possibility Joel Tiffany had knowledge of the 1790 public understanding of the 2nd Amendment? It is quite possible he did and wrote about it, thereby permitting J. Scalia to reference his work.
Then the five activists proceed to interpret the phrase, right of the people", not by putting "normal" and "ordinary" meanings on the words, but by considering the "context" of the phrase. However, they never announced they were adopting a rule of construction regarding "context."
Well, context is important and if the prose itself defies an interpretation, then the interpretation is erroneous. J. Scalia referenced other amendments where the phrase "right of the people" is used in such a way as to preclude any connotation it is a "collective" right.
Bill of Rights use the phrase "right of the people" two other times, in the First Amendment's Assembly-and-Petition Clause and in the Fourth Amendment's Search-and-Seizure Clause.
The context of the 4th amendment precludes reading the phrase "right of the people" as a collective right at all, but rather common sense dictates it is an individual right. Unless one is seeking to contend the right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures is only invoked when it is a group of people involved! Now, unless it was common and normal in 1790 to read the 4th amendment phrase "right of the people" to only protect a group of 20 or more from unreasonable search and seizure, there is no evidence such a stupid understanding of the 4th amendment's phrase had such a public understanding in 1790, then there really is nothing left to argue here.
The point J. Scalia is making here is providing a basis in which the words "right of the people" refers to individual rights and on this basis refuting the myth the phrase refers to "collective rights."
However, Scalia and his little band of judicial activists didn't adopt the common law rules of construction existent at the time the Constitution was made.
You are correct, they did not adopt ALL of them. Rather, they merely adopted the first one, the only one really worth anything, and abandoned the others and rightfully so, the other ones are junk and no good when interpreting the U.S. Constitution.
The five activist use, or rather misuse, "context" to make an end run around the usual and most known significations of the words "right" and "people." They probably didn't like the "most known signification" of the word "people", which is " humans considered as a group or in indefinite numbers", which points towards a collective right to keep and bear arms.
They misused the context huh? Really? How exactly did they misuse the context?
Next, since J. Scalia made a very good argument demonstrating the phrase "right of the people" did not refer to an individual right in the 4th amendment, or the First Amendment if one thinks about it, I am most interested in knowing how you construe it to refer to a collective right? Furthermore, based on your logic, you have just rendered one of the most illogical readings of the 4th amendment.
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
Well, unless there is a GROUP OF PEOPLE in one house, then this amendment does not accommodate the individual in his home with any protection. Good news law enforcement! The 4th amendment does not preclude you from raiding the homes of people who are alone. So, if there are five people in a house you want to search, wait until four of them leave, and then kick in the doors, because the 4th amendment right does not protect an individual right, only a group right. Well, this is the illogical and non-sense result your reasoning brings us to on this point. Reading the phrase "right of the people" in the 4th amendment as a collective right, a group right, results in the type of absurdity above. Now, if absurdity, non-sense and illogical outcomes are something to be cherished, then you have a fantastic argument and a great point. However, unless we have left earth and entered the twilight zone of illogical reasoning, then reasoning, your type of reasoning, which leads to an illogical and absurd results regarding the 4th amendment are to be repudiated, not embraced.
Yet, this type of non-sense logical reasoning should not be followed. The 4th amendment phrase "right of the people" is not referring to a collective or group right of being free from unreasonable search and seizure. Since it isn't, then J. Scalia has established the phrase refers to an individual right, and if it can refer to an individual right here, then it can as well in regards to the 2nd amendment.
The Court is using a technique I like to call "switching authorities." When they interpret one word, the controlling authority is the normal and ordinary meanings of words. However, when they interpret the next word, Joel Tiffany is the authority. When they construe the next word, "context" is the authority.
Relying upon context is a very good way to understand a text. You are not gaining any points by criticizing the opinion for relying upon context to resolve an ambiguity in the text, none at all. Especially when the context is not susceptible to the mere passage of time. Here, the phrase "right of the people" in the 4th amendment has only one logical, rational, reasonable, and common sense meaning, otherwise the amendment itself makes no sense any other way. Hence, unless the Founding generation had a non-sense and illogical understanding of the 4th amendment, not likely, then context is a great way to resolve the meaning of "right of the people" in the 4th amendment to mean and refer to an "individual right."
Since it refers to an individual right in the 4th amendment, then it may also in the 2nd Amendment, and there has not been any evidence to suggest or indicate otherswise.
When context does not provide an answer, then a focus upon normal and ordinary meaning from the era becomes more paramount. You are not getting anywhere with this "switching authority" approach.