Terra tremuit et quievit, Dum resurgeret in judicio Deus, alleluia!
Thank you for expressing yourself with some more clarity, brother. I sincerely hope we can continue to conduct this discussion in an amicable spirit, for the glory of God.
Here's where we diverge in our understanding of Athanasius' 39th Festal Letter that lists the scriptures, and various contemporary epistles describing the council: the formation of the canon affirmed an already existing authority. Bishops who could trace their ordination back to the Apostles, and held sees that were original recipients of NT epistles (e.g. Corinth and Philippi were represented), were able not only to demonstrate this significant ecumenical link but demonstrated through their own epistles how even the manner of their language about God resembled particular Apostles. There was a continuity of thought. It was
these bishops who were asked what had always been accepted, and used for teaching and refuting incipient heresies.
The only bishops who hadn't had answers to that question up to that point were bishops who were not in a position to be a pillar of orthodoxy through a patriarchal see and extensive exposure to epistles which had been kept and compared, all the way back to figures like Ignatius and Polycarp.
If Scripture weren't sufficient, then how could Irenaeus refute Gnosticism so resoundingly with hardly any reference to tradition at all? If it didn't play
the premier role, then how could a bishop all the way over in Lyons, Spain, remember an
enormous chunk of the Bible so long before whole collections even existed, and it would be practically an eternity before anyone separated it into verses? He was mentally saturated in the scriptures. The same is true of the great apologist who preceded him and he partially modeled his work after: Justin Martyr.
The existence of a school of
halakha at Jamnia isn't fiction. The Talmud does relate that Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakkai was relocated there in the first century before the destruction of the Second Temple, in order to receive permission from the Romans to form a school of
halakha.
What is fictional about it is the tenuous assumption that the Jewish scriptural canon had to have been formed there before an already supposedly existing canon (take this part with a grain of salt) was debated in the 2nd century compilation of the Mishnah (e.g. Yaddaim 3:5).
And of course you're referring to the Masoretic scribes. I had expected you would want to get into this same tired issue of the Septuagint vs the Masoretic text. While I'm no instructor over you, I'm not your mentor and I'm not trying to proselytize you, I do hope I can lend you some perspective on how Reformed biblicists and theologians don't have nearly as much of a tradition of glorifying the Masoretic text as you've surely been taught to expect, and it isn't at all the sole factor (it's not even a prioritized factor by a long shot at this point, if you run in academic Reformed circles) in why we consider some texts in the Septuagint apocryphal.
Another aside at this point for perspective: modern translations tend to use the Eclectic Method, which prioritizes the study of different forms of scribal errors and the study of each passage's provenance and antiquity far over old methods so academically crude as "Masoretic text vs Septuagint" and "Alexandrian vs Byzantine text type". We're far beyond a past of gushing over this or that manuscript tradition as if it's superior and others are of hardly any value. Even versions in a whole host of other languages, like the Peshitta and Diatessaron, and also especially the Armenian translations, are prized for their contributions to our study of the manuscript traditions.
We're debating the merits of Sola Scriptura here, so it's not my intention to try and present anything near exhaustive arguments for why I prefer the Reformed canon. However it will be helpful at this juncture to demonstrate the context of our thought, and our respective views on ecclesiastical authority and
how the formation occurred (regardless of who was right) are pertinent to the issue at hand. I have approached your theology on it's own terms, and have even relished in reading Orthodox literature, although the majority of it has by no means been modern, so I would appreciate it if you gave us some brotherly clemency and take an honest look at how
we actually reason about our theology, not how Orthodox Christians reason about our theology.
Finally, before moving on I would like to explain that my understanding of Sola Scriptura is not nearly as hard-nosed or anachronistic as is the case with many Reformed folks today, especially amongst the laity. Heck, I even probably listen to more Christian music in older tongues within a liturgical setting that is alien to my own denomination than I do my own association's worship music! There are many things that I love about the practice of liturgy, and your worship music makes me beet red with jealousy from time to time. So suffice it to say that I believe in Reformed theology as a Freewill Baptist, but our discussions will be irrespective of what you've probably grown accustomed to from my crowd.
The canon amongst Reformed and Anabaptist groups, as opposed to the Lutherans and Anglicans, wasn't necessarily derived from a preference for the Masoretic text at all, depending on who you're looking at. This is true with Arminius, for example. Regardless, modern Reformed scholars don't think of the scriptural canon issue hardly at all on the simple terms of pitting the Septuagint against the Masoretic text.
Where did the idea of there being apocryphal texts in the Septuagint start? Well, to start with, bishops from various sees who started providing lists after Athanasius did were not consistent with one another. Only a handful said Revelation and Jude were possibly not fit for teaching and liturgy, and some others agreed that those books were fit but found Revelation difficult. This is amongst a whole host of epistles, so we're talking about near unanimity with texts that the Reformed consider canon. Where was the most disagreement? Over texts after Malachi and Esther in the OT, Bel and the Dragon in Daniel, etc. It wasn't even close to unanimous.
So moving on to when Jerome took the Old Vulgate and revised the translation into what became the standard text for most of Catholic history, he specifically noted in prefaces to each of the texts considered apocryphal that they were indeed apocryphal. Why all of this disagreement culminating in Jerome saying that? Because way, way before the Reformation, Christians looked at those texts and said things along these lines: they appear historically dubious; I find their theology incongruous with passages on similar topics in the NT; NT authors typically only allude to them as if they were just contemporary literature, never once addressing any of them as if they were
theopnustos; people early in the NT had the perception that God had been silent for a long time, as if taking a long breath before the Christ event.
Appealing to a single figure amidst such controversy isn't helpful to your case, because if Sola Ekklesia were true then we should be able to see much more unanimity considering that there "must have been" a strong oral tradition, and surely the bishops who maintained Orthodox Nicene theology against all the heresies must have been soundly apostolic. Not to mention that several of the texts Jerome labelled apocryphal weren't even canonized until the Council of Florence.