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Israel-Hamas Thread II

essentialsaltes

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Israel says it will bar [certain] aid groups, including Doctors Without Borders, from Gaza

Israel failed to confirm that the data collected from the new regulations wouldn't be used for military or intelligence purposes, raising serious security concerns, said Athena Rayburn, the executive director of AIDA, an umbrella organization representing over 100 organizations that operate in the Palestinian territories.

The announced revocation of licenses for dozens of aid organizations in the Gaza Strip has sparked international outrage. But to understand Israel's decision, one must take a closer look and allow for uncomfortable questions.

For Israel, this is not bureaucratic formalism, but a consequence of experiences in recent years. It has been repeatedly proven that employees of international aid organizations had ties to Hamas, that logistics were misused, or that infrastructure indirectly benefited the terrorist organization. In an area completely controlled by a terrorist organization, Israel believes that there is no clear separation between civil administration, aid work, and armed structures.

Criticism was swift. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, called it an outrageous move and a further restriction of humanitarian access. Israel's actions are harming the suffering civilian population.

However, this description falls short. Israel does not prohibit humanitarian aid across the board. It demands transparency and control in a war zone where aid structures have been demonstrably abused.

The organization Doctors Without Borders, known internationally as Médecins Sans Frontières, was particularly vocal in its criticism. It rejects the disclosure of sensitive employee data and warns against a breach of humanitarian principles such as neutrality and independence. Representatives of several organizations argue that Israel wants to influence personnel decisions without having to provide justification. From their point of view, there is a risk of arbitrariness.

But here, too, a crucial question arises. How neutral can humanitarian work be in an area controlled by a terrorist organization that systematically uses civilian infrastructure for military purposes? Israel is not demanding control over humanitarian programs, but rather the screening of individuals. In any other security-related context, this would be a matter of course.

The organizations concerned offered to have their employees vetted by neutral third parties. Israel rejected this proposal. The reason is obvious. For Israeli security authorities, outsourcing security checks in an active war zone is not an option. Responsibility for any consequences would still lie with Israel.

What is also missing from the international debate is the temporal context. The measure does not take effect immediately. Organizations have months to register or wind up their work in an orderly manner. Israel is relying on a transition period, not an abrupt halt to aid. This distinction is lost in the rhetoric of outrage.

The conflict reveals a fundamental dilemma. Humanitarian organizations insist on principles that work in stable regions. Israel operates in an environment where these principles have been systematically abused. Hamas has benefited from international aid for years, whether in the form of material, infrastructure, or political protection. This reality is deliberately ignored in many statements.

Israel is walking a fine line with its decision. Any restriction on humanitarian work is immediately judged morally by the international community. At the same time, the state has a responsibility to protect its population and prevent a repeat of the systematic abuse of aid structures. This responsibility cannot be delegated to the United Nations or non-governmental organizations.

The debate is therefore less a question of right or wrong than of perspective. For many international actors, Israel is the disruptive factor. For Israel itself, the measure is an act of state self-assertion in an asymmetrical conflict. Anyone who wants to talk seriously about humanitarian aid in Gaza must also talk about Hamas. And that is precisely what happens too rarely.
 
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Israel says it will bar [certain] aid groups, including Doctors Without Borders, from Gaza

UNRWA, the top U.N. agency working with Palestinians, has denied knowingly aiding armed groups and says it acts quickly to purge any suspected militants..

Israel's army has already disclosed evidence of Hamas's ties to Iran, UNRWA, and Al Jazeera.

The documents paint a shocking picture: Hamas systematically abuses aid organizations, media, and international networks, supported by Iran and covered up by Western naivety.

Particularly explosive is the evidence of personnel overlap between Hamas and UNRWA. The IDF published lists showing teachers, school principals, social workers, and medical personnel who are also listed as members of the Hamas brigades. The same individuals who were officially paid by the United Nations appear on Hamas documents with military identification numbers.

An evaluation also showed that UNRWA schools were used as meeting places and logistics centers for Hamas units, especially in Khan Yunis. Teachers who taught children during the day worked for the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas' military backbone, at night.

Photos also prove that the UNRWA director in Gaza, Ashraf Mahd, is described in internal documents as someone who educates the next generation in the ideology of hatred.

According to the IDF, at least 15 journalists from the Qatari broadcaster Al Jazeera appear in the personnel directories of Hamas and Islamic Jihad. One of them, Ismail al-Ghoul, was directly involved in the massacres of October 7 as a Nukhba fighter.

The documents also show how Hamas deliberately controlled the flow of information from Al Jazeera: when rocket launches failed such as in Jabaliya in 2022, when a Hamas rocket killed its own civilians – the terrorist leadership ordered Al Jazeera not to express “any criticism” and to “avoid certain terms.” Another document stipulates that the broadcaster must instead support the “resistance movement.”

One particularly disturbing detail is that Hamas set up its own “Al Jazeera line”, a secure telephone connection through which propaganda material and instructions were exchanged directly. In this way, journalism became targeted war propaganda.

Among the published materials is a handwritten memorandum by Yahya Sinwar, dated August 2022. In it, the Hamas leader describes in detail how “shocking images”, executions, burning tanks, killed soldiers, should be deliberately disseminated in order to “explode” emotions and incite supporters in Judea, Samaria, and Jerusalem to revolt.

The text contains specific instructions for psychological warfare: the violence should take place as “close to the people” as possible, in schools, mosques, and residential buildings – so that Israeli counterattacks can be exploited propagandistically as “massacres of civilians.” This confirms what Israel has been claiming for years: Hamas uses its own population as human shields.

The financial trail also leads clearly to Iran. A letter found in the Gaza Strip proves that Tehran regularly transfers funds to “the families of martyrs.” Other documents refer to training programs, arms deliveries, and “strategic cooperation.” According to the records, Hamas planned a four-way alliance with Iran, Hezbollah, and Syria to prepare a coordinated offensive “to liberate Jerusalem.”

Another document entitled “Hamas–Humanitarian Aid Intelligence Resources” describes how terrorists confiscated aid supplies intended for the civilian population. Photos show Hamas members deep inside tunnels, eating fruit, meat, flour, and canned goods from aid deliveries while above ground, children are starving.

The documents that have now been published leave no doubt that Hamas is not an isolated actor, but part of a larger, ideologically and financially networked system. The connection between terror, international institutions, and global media power shows how deep the structures that undermine Israel's right to exist reach.

The fact that organizations that call themselves humanitarian or journalistic are playing a role here is a moral declaration of bankruptcy. These revelations have caused UNRWA to lose all credibility, and Al Jazeera has once again proven itself to be not a news channel, but a political tool of Qatar and its allies.

With this publication, Israel has not only provided evidence, but also a piece of truth that the world has long sought to ignore.
 
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Benaiah468

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While there is international talk of a ceasefire and reconstruction, Hamas is working on its own future inside the Gaza Strip. A "Palestinian" father describes how young people are systematically recruited, manipulated, and detained, not for ideological reasons, but out of necessity.

What he recounts is not a political analysis, but a sober report from within a society controlled by a terrorist organization. Mustafa is "Palestinian", a Fatah supporter, and a former member of the "Palestinian" security forces in Gaza. After Hamas violently seized power in 2007, he was forced to flee. His family remained behind.

A few months ago, his 16-year-old son was approached on the street. Three men, dressed in civilian clothes, no badges. They gave him the equivalent of around 200 shekels. No contract, no orders, no logo. Just one sentence: “Buy yourself something.” When the boy asked why, they simply replied that they were helping people. Shortly afterwards, the actual offer followed. Another 1,500 shekels if he was willing to work for them in the police force or other Hamas structures.

The boy was unsettled, went home, and told his older brother about it. His brother immediately recognized the danger. His advice was clear: don't accept anything, don't talk, keep your distance. In Gaza, this is not a matter of course, but a risk.

Mustafa describes the method as systematic. Hamas deliberately exploits poverty, lack of prospects, and the collapse of social structures. Young people, especially minors, are particularly vulnerable. Many families have hardly any food, no stable income, no prospects for the future. Money becomes a ticket to a dependency from which there is hardly any way back.

It didn't stop at money. A short time later, Hamas activists appeared at his family's house and offered food, flour, and support. His wife refused and explained that her husband sent money from the West Bank. That, too, was unusual. The refusal was noted.

An uncle of the family finally went directly to one of the Hamas men and warned him to stay away. An argument ensued. After that, the attempts to make contact stopped. Not every family has this leeway.

Mustafa speaks of deliberate indoctrination. First material aid, then ideological narratives, finally open threats. Anyone who wants to leave must pay back everything: money, food, support. For most young people, this is impossible. The result is coercion through debt. Hamas promises security, protection, a roof over their heads, and at the same time declares that the fight against Israel is heroic and without alternative.

According to Mustafa, Hamas is not concerned about the lives of these young people. He explained to his children that there is a political conflict, but that violence does not create a future. He raised them to live, to start families, not to die. It is dangerous to express this opinion openly in Gaza.

According to Mustafa, Hamas uses financial incentives as well as blackmail. Young people are arrested for minor offenses and then given a choice: cooperation or violence. A 17-year-old relative was arrested for theft. The threat was clear: cooperate or have your legs broken. He joined Hamas.

After the destruction of many mosques during the war, Hamas shifted its recruitment efforts to the streets. Public spaces, aid stations, food distribution points. Its influence is particularly strong in the central Gaza Strip, where, according to "Palestinian" sources, Hamas continues to operate almost unhindered and uses civilian infrastructure for reorganization.

Mustafa draws a clear conclusion from this. As long as Hamas retains control in these areas, any other order will fail. Not based on political theory, but on everyday experience. Anyone who wants to prevent Oct 7 from repeating itself must take away Hamas' ability to recruit, blackmail, and arm young people.

His account is not an Israeli narrative, nor is it an external assessment. It is the voice of a "Palestinian" father who tried to protect his children from an organization that markets itself as resistance but is destroying its own society from within.
 
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Benaiah468

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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has announced that he will speak with US President Donald Trump by telephone. The topics of discussion will be the war between Russia and Ukraine and the situation in the Gaza Strip. Ankara is presenting this exchange as a diplomatic initiative. From Israel's perspective, it is primarily one thing: part of Erdogan's long-standing strategy to put international pressure on Israel and elevate himself as the spokesperson for the Muslim world.

At the same time, Turkey is sending its foreign minister, Hakan Fidan, to a meeting of the so-called Coalition of the Willing in Paris, an alliance of states that support Ukraine. Ankara is thus attempting to position itself as both a partner of the West and a sharp critic of Israel. It is a balancing act that is politically calculated.

Erdogan once again made his position particularly clear in relation to Gaza. In public statements, he accused Israel of obstructing aid deliveries and causing suffering among the population of Gaza, despite the existing ceasefire. He spoke of destroyed settlements and portrayed Israel as primarily responsible for the humanitarian situation.

This portrayal deliberately ignores reality. Israel has been allowing aid deliveries for months, but controls them for good reason. Hamas, a terrorist organization, systematically uses aid supplies for military purposes, abuses civilian infrastructure, and uses its own population as a human shield. Without security checks, weapons, explosives, and tunnel-building materials would reach Gaza unhindered. This is not a political narrative, but a proven fact.

Erdogan consistently conceals this connection. Instead, he speaks of alleged breaches of contract by Israel and presents humanitarian issues in isolation from the security situation. In doing so, he is not providing aid to Gaza, but rather engaging in political agitation against the Jewish state.

From Israel's perspective, Erdogan's simultaneous presentation of himself as a potential mediator is implausible. An actor who regularly delegitimizes Israel, fails to clearly name Hamas, and morally questions Israel's right to self-defense cannot be an honest mediator. His position is not balanced, but ideologically determined.

For Jerusalem, it is clear that the responsibility for the suffering in Gaza lies primarily with Hamas, which started the war, attacked civilians in Israel, and uses every ceasefire to reorganize itself. Those who ignore this fact shift the blame and prolong the conflict.

It remains to be seen whether Erdogan's accusations will find a sympathetic ear in President Trump. During his term in office, Trump has repeatedly emphasized that Israel's security is non-negotiable and that humanitarian aid must not be misused to strengthen terrorist organizations. Against this backdrop, it is unlikely that Ankara will set the tone in Washington.

One thing is certain: Erdogan's Gaza rhetoric does not serve peace, but rather his domestic and regional agenda. For Israel, it is not a diplomatic offer, but part of an ongoing political campaign against its legitimacy and its right to self-defense.
 
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Israel says it will bar [certain] aid groups, including Doctors Without Borders, from Gaza

Israel failed to confirm that the data collected from the new regulations wouldn't be used for military or intelligence purposes, raising serious security concerns, said Athena Rayburn, the executive director of AIDA, an umbrella organization representing over 100 organizations that operate in the Palestinian territories.

Israel's Foreign Ministry has presented evidence that employees of the international aid organization Doctors Without Borders were simultaneously engaged in activities with "Palestinian" terrorist organizations in the Gaza Strip.

According to Israeli authorities, one of these employees was also a high-ranking member of "Palestinian" Islamic Jihad and responsible for the development of rocket capabilities. Another is said to have served as a sniper for Hamas in “terrorist combat operations.” The Israeli government emphasized that humanitarian aid should never be used as a cover for terrorism and that strict security checks and transparency are essential, especially for NGO personnel.

The Israeli authorities name two former employees of Doctors Without Borders. The first, Fadi al-Wadiya, was also a leading activist in "Palestinian" Islamic Jihad and worked there on the development of rockets. The second, Nasser Hamdi Abdelatif al-Shalfouh, fought as a sniper for Hamas while employed by Doctors Without Borders, according to an official statement from the Foreign Ministry.

In addition, NGO Monitor, an observatory for non-governmental organizations, lists four other individuals who are said to have had similar connections to militant groups. These include people who, according to reports, were members of terrorist organizations or were allegedly involved in planning attacks.

The new legal situation requires international NGOs in Israel and the "Palestinian" territories to fully disclose all employees, including personal data, so that security authorities can carry out appropriate checks. Groups that do not meet these standards or that raise security concerns will lose their operating license.

“Humanitarian aid is welcome, the exploitation of humanitarian structures for terrorism is not,” said Diaspora Minister Amichai Chikli, underscoring the priority of security.
 
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In an interview with US broadcaster Fox News, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made it clear that a transition to the second phase of the Gaza agreement is only possible under one clear condition.

When asked about the biggest obstacle to moving on to the second phase, Netanyahu answered with a single word: disarmament. Hamas still has around 20,000 fighters and a total of around 60,000 assault rifles. These weapons are not only used against Israel, but also against Palestinian civilians who oppose the organization's claim to power. As long as Hamas remains armed, there can be no new political framework and no stable reconstruction.

Netanyahu said Israel was prepared to give the second phase of the agreement a chance, including international efforts. However, if disarmament does not proceed as agreed, Israel will use other means. For him, it is clear that Israel must retain military control over Gaza in the future. No one would take responsibility or invest as long as Hamas remained an armed force.

Netanyahu reacted sharply to reports that he wanted to push President Trump to take a harder line. He spoke of misrepresentations and emphasized that there was complete agreement between him and Donald Trump. Both agreed that the disarmament of Hamas was the crucial point, regardless of media debates.

When asked about the key lesson to be learned from Oct 7, Netanyahu drew a historical comparison. If someone announces their intention to destroy you, you must believe them and be prepared. Israel has learned this lesson and will not forget it again.
 
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The Rafah border crossing is set to reopen in the coming days. But Israel has made it crystal clear: there will be no freedom of movement without security checks. The planned Israeli inspection point on the Gaza side is a reflection of the lessons learned on Oct 7.

From Israel's perspective, this step is imperative. The Hamas attack on Oct 7, 2023, demonstrated how systematically terrorist organizations abuse border openings, humanitarian regulations, and international mechanisms. The Rafah border crossing must therefore not become a gateway for terrorists, weapons, or operational infrastructure again.

The planned IDF facility is to be equipped with technological surveillance systems. Israel expressly reserves the right to refuse entry to individuals if there are security concerns. Jerusalem is thus sending a clear message: humanitarian relief yes, loss of control no.

Israel had already stated that a comprehensive opening of the crossing was originally linked to the complete return of all hostages abducted by Hamas. The body of kidnapped police officer Ran Gvili is still in Gaza. Nevertheless, Israel is showing willingness to find pragmatic solutions – while safeguarding its security interests.

The decision to establish its own Israeli inspection point is more than a technical detail. It is a political statement. Israel is prepared to implement international agreements and take humanitarian needs into account. At the same time, it will not accept any scenario in which security responsibilities are outsourced or watered down.

The central issues of this war are particularly evident at the Rafah border crossing: humanity without naivety, openness without capitulation, cooperation without blindness. The IDF inspection agency stands for precisely this approach.
 
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The NGO “Doctors Without Borders” considers propaganda against Israel more important than providing aid to Gaza.

Along with other organizations, it will no longer be able to operate in Gaza. It is being threatened with a “ban,” a “cynical attempt,” according to MSF's press release, to hinder aid to Gaza. “Contrary to international law” of course.

Humanitarian aid-wise, MSF is insignificant in Gaza. The organization is responsible for about one percent of all aid deliveries. However, since Oct 8, 2023, it has been one of the most fanatical anti-Israel voices, speaking literally of a “terrible counteroffensive” by the IDF just one day after the attack, which did not even exist. On that day, the IDF was still trying to fight its way out of the kibbutzim. The terrorists barricaded themselves in the Sderot police station, which was ultimately destroyed in the fighting.

Israel has already required all humanitarian organizations to register under a law. The core of the law is the submission of lists of local staff such as Al-Wadiya, which was not an isolated case. Over 100 organizations took advantage of the deadline, which expired at the turn of the year, but MSF refused and is therefore no longer allowed to operate from Israel.

MSF's unspecific reference to an alleged “violation of international law” once again serves only to defame Israel: under international law, only the International Committee of the Red Cross has certain access rights in wartime. Once again, MSF considers propaganda against Israel more important than providing aid to Gaza.

The German section is responding to this by publishing lies and Hamas propaganda: “Hundreds of thousands” have been killed in Gaza by “Israel's army” (a fabricated figure), Israel is preventing the import of tents in winter (a brazen lie), and is carrying out “collective punishment”, a well-known propaganda term with no substance.

Incidentally, MSF has made no statement about the patients whose legs Hamas has broken with iron bars in recent weeks in order to consolidate its power. One wonders who can still consider this once-respected organization to be “humanitarian.”
 
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Benaiah468

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Statements made by released hostages reveal a disturbing pattern: some members of the medical staff in the Gaza Strip were not only witnesses, but actively involved in kidnappings, abuse, and sexual violence. The silence of international organizations weighs heavily.

For almost two years, images, narratives, and accusations have dominated the international discourse on the war between Israel and Hamas. But while terrorist propaganda is disseminated millions of times and readily accepted, one particularly uncomfortable aspect remains largely ignored: the documented involvement of doctors, nurses, and hospital staff in the Gaza Strip in the captivity of Israeli hostages.

The public statement by former hostage Romi Gonen marks a turning point. Not because it is an isolated case, but because it confirms a pattern that runs through several documented cases. Gonen reported in detail for the first time about her 471 days in Hamas captivity. She described four sexual assaults. The first perpetrator was, of all people, a nurse who was supposed to treat her gunshot wound. The abuse took place in the first days of the kidnapping, even before Israeli forces had entered the Gaza Strip.

The man to whom she was at the mercy used his medical role as a cover. After the assault, Gonen had to continue living in the same house. There was no international outcry.

Gonen's statement is one of a series of documented cases. Former soldier Noa Marciano, abducted from the Nahal Oz base, was later found to have been killed by a doctor in Gaza. She was injected with air bubbles, and the murder was filmed.

Emily Damari, abducted from Kfar Aza, was held in a room at Shifa Hospital. A doctor forced her to call him “Dr. Hamas.” Hospital rooms became detention cells.

Another case concerns Marwan al-Hams, who in 2014 was involved in treating the body of the slain Israeli soldier Hadar Goldin, knowing that it had been hidden in a tunnel for years.

Then there is the doctor Ahmed al-Jamal, who, together with his son, held several Israeli hostages in his home in Nuseirat. During an Israeli rescue operation in June 2024, both were killed and the hostages were freed.

These cases are not isolated incidents. They demonstrate the systematic exploitation of medical professionals by Hamas. Doctors and nurses acted as guards, perpetrators, accomplices, and cover figures.
 
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International humanitarian law expressly protects medical personnel. This protection is intended to enable lives to be saved, regardless of nationality or party to the conflict. It is precisely this protection that Hamas has deliberately abused. Clinics, hospitals, and medical personnel have served as a cover for terror, hostage-taking, and violence.

When medical facilities become places of imprisonment and doctors become accomplices, the moral core of humanitarian protection rules collapses. Nevertheless, international health organizations, human rights bodies, and major aid agencies have responded little or not at all.

While Israel's military actions are meticulously investigated, condemned, and politicized, these documented crimes remain largely unnoticed. The impression of selective outrage is unavoidable.

In addition to the assaults, Gonen also described systematic humiliation. She was not allowed to go to the toilet alone, was punished for any resistance, and lived under constant threat. In the last months of her captivity, the violence intensified. The consequences are still felt today. Noises trigger panic, closed rooms trigger flashbacks.

Even after her release, the suffering did not end. Gonen and other former hostages report post-traumatic stress disorder and a daily routine that must be laboriously relearned.

The victims of October 7 came from more than 35 countries. Nevertheless, responsibility remained almost entirely with Israel. There is no effective international mechanism for punishing sexual violence by non-state terrorist organizations, nor have states that support Hamas politically or financially been seriously held accountable.

Organizations dedicated to the protection of human rights seem to shy away from confronting facts that do not fit their preferred interpretation. It is precisely this silence regarding Jewish victims that causes lasting damage to the credibility of these institutions.

When medical personnel are involved in terrorism and face no consequences, international humanitarian law is undermined from within. The events of Oct 7 then threaten to become not a warning, but a blueprint.
 
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