Benaiah468
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- May 19, 2024
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In recent days, diplomatic ties between Qatar, Turkey and Hamas have noticeably intensified. Officially, the focus is on ‘humanitarian aid’ and rebuilding the destroyed infrastructure in the Gaza Strip. In reality, however, this alliance has a different goal: securing its ideological and political power after the end of the war.
While Egypt and Saudi Arabia are negotiating with representatives of the Palestinian Authority in Cairo about administrative structures for the post-Hamas era, representatives of Qatar and Turkey are meeting in Doha in close consultation with the Hamas leadership.
This week, the Emir of Qatar, Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, welcomed Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for talks on ‘the reconstruction of Gaza.’ What appeared in official communications to be a routine meeting actually marks the beginning of a strategic alliance: both states, ideologically influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood, do not want to lose their influence in Gaza.
The day before, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, Turkish intelligence chief İbrahim Kalın and the Hamas leadership met in Doha. The message was unambiguous: Ankara does not just want to mediate, Ankara wants to help shape the process.
For Hamas, this is more than symbolic. Qatar continues to provide financial backing, while Turkey provides political legitimacy. Both states see themselves as protective powers of an Islamist order that opposes the Western-Arab alliance.
Opposing this axis of political Islam is the moderate Sunni bloc, led by Riyadh, Cairo and Abu Dhabi. Their goal: to place Gaza under pragmatic administration, supported by Arab security forces and a reformed but non-Islamist Palestinian administration.
Both Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates know that a return of Hamas in political form would jeopardise the entire regional balance. They fear that Doha and Ankara will play the religious card again, this time not with rockets, but with aid money and diplomatic cover.
That is why there is open talk in Riyadh of an ‘Arab protection mandate’ to stabilise Gaza from within, a plan that can only work with Israeli approval.
Jerusalem observes both sides with justified mistrust. The Israeli government rejects any form of Hamas involvement, whether political, religious or disguised as civil, and at the same time has little confidence in the Palestinian Authority's ability to take control of Gaza.
Israel recognises that the real conflict is not only military but also ideological: between a political Islam that sees the destruction of Israel as a divine duty and those Arab states that have long accepted peaceful coexistence with Jerusalem as a reality.
But as long as Western states continue to treat Doha and Ankara as ‘mediators’, the balance is unlikely to shift.
For Israel, one thing is clear: there must be no return to the old patterns. Anyone who wants to ‘rebuild’ Gaza must first prove that they do not intend to infiltrate it ideologically.
After all, those who decide today on the cement for new schools may tomorrow decide on the schoolbooks and thus on the thinking of a new generation.
While Egypt and Saudi Arabia are negotiating with representatives of the Palestinian Authority in Cairo about administrative structures for the post-Hamas era, representatives of Qatar and Turkey are meeting in Doha in close consultation with the Hamas leadership.
This week, the Emir of Qatar, Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, welcomed Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for talks on ‘the reconstruction of Gaza.’ What appeared in official communications to be a routine meeting actually marks the beginning of a strategic alliance: both states, ideologically influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood, do not want to lose their influence in Gaza.
The day before, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, Turkish intelligence chief İbrahim Kalın and the Hamas leadership met in Doha. The message was unambiguous: Ankara does not just want to mediate, Ankara wants to help shape the process.
For Hamas, this is more than symbolic. Qatar continues to provide financial backing, while Turkey provides political legitimacy. Both states see themselves as protective powers of an Islamist order that opposes the Western-Arab alliance.
Opposing this axis of political Islam is the moderate Sunni bloc, led by Riyadh, Cairo and Abu Dhabi. Their goal: to place Gaza under pragmatic administration, supported by Arab security forces and a reformed but non-Islamist Palestinian administration.
Both Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates know that a return of Hamas in political form would jeopardise the entire regional balance. They fear that Doha and Ankara will play the religious card again, this time not with rockets, but with aid money and diplomatic cover.
That is why there is open talk in Riyadh of an ‘Arab protection mandate’ to stabilise Gaza from within, a plan that can only work with Israeli approval.
Jerusalem observes both sides with justified mistrust. The Israeli government rejects any form of Hamas involvement, whether political, religious or disguised as civil, and at the same time has little confidence in the Palestinian Authority's ability to take control of Gaza.
Israel recognises that the real conflict is not only military but also ideological: between a political Islam that sees the destruction of Israel as a divine duty and those Arab states that have long accepted peaceful coexistence with Jerusalem as a reality.
But as long as Western states continue to treat Doha and Ankara as ‘mediators’, the balance is unlikely to shift.
For Israel, one thing is clear: there must be no return to the old patterns. Anyone who wants to ‘rebuild’ Gaza must first prove that they do not intend to infiltrate it ideologically.
After all, those who decide today on the cement for new schools may tomorrow decide on the schoolbooks and thus on the thinking of a new generation.
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