As stated previously It seems that the ways in which data came up the chain of command seems to have resulted in a warping of said data until it matched what the decision makers wanted to hear. Sadam probably told his own inner circle he still had WMDs. It might have even been believed by some of them given their previous experience of his usage of chemical weopans.
I think Saddam turned to his weapons people and said, "We have WMDs, right?" and they said, "Yes, sir!"
The neoCon view was that Iraqis would welcome liberation. But as you suggest the impacts of said liberation were more in line with the intelligence analysis than the ways in which the decision makers chose to filter and understand that.
Nobody welcomes foreign armies, even as liberators. Remember the old WWII images of Parisians throwing roses at Americans liberating Paris? Well, what the generals actually did was put de Gaulle and the French army at the head of that parade...the Americans followed him.
That's why the Army Chief of Staff and the Marine Commandant steadfastly declared that invading Iraq would require 250,000-350,000 troops while Rumsfelt was saying 70,000.
What?! Is this you defending colleagues or an objective appraisal. From your own words the integration of foreign and domestic intelligence requires work. Also the extent to which ideology and political agendas can currently overrule facts.
I think practically all needed changes are Congressional.
1. Poke some holes in the legal "wall" between foreign and domestic intelligence--at least on the analysis side, not the operational side. Right now, a request for intelligence must go from, say, an FBI agent at the working level though arduous validations to the senior officials of the FBI, then to the senior officials at the CIA and down though more validations to an analyst in a cubical who might have the answer. Then his answer has to go back up and across and down again. If the FBI has any further questions or needs clarification...it starts all over again. And there is plenty of CYA all the way up and down both chains. Most often, either question or response doesn't make the journey.
They can make that a lot simpler, quicker and easier...just maintain a tight audit of the communication.
2. Bring back "competitive analysis" as justified and permitted again. Prior to the end of the Cold War, intelligence agencies were authorized to "check each other's work." If one agency was first with an item, another agency tried at least to be more complete or more accurate.
But after the Cold War ended, everyone wanted a piece of the "Cold War Dividend," and part of that was cutting the heck out of intelligence capability. Lots of pink slips went around. And "competitive analysis" was seen as "expensive redundancy." Each agency got its "lane in the road" which no other agency could ride in.
A problem there, however, is that especially within the beltway, there might be only one analyst handling an entire area of concern...or an old senior analyst who made sure every report out of his section was in accord with his own theories. With "competitive analysis," there was someone somewhere else who might call his bunk.
An example of failure was the accidental US Air Force bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade during the Bosnian war. A lot of CYA finger-pointing went on after that, but we know exactly what happened. That location had been a Yugoslavian military building several years prior, and that's how it was still identified in the database--as such, it was a valid target. During the Bosnian bombing campaing, a specific CIA analyst had the job of validating whether or not it was still valid--it was in their "lane of the road."
However since its last report (done a few years earlier by the Air Force), the location had been sold to the Chinese, who razed the old structures and built their embassy.
Under the old "competitive analysis" regime, the Air Force would have been making regular reports of every potential targets--even low-priority structures like an obscure Yugoslavian military building would have been at least a training task for some young airman. He would have looked for a particularly described building, found something different, and gone to his sergeant, who would have told him to make a change in the database.
As it was, that particular CIA analyst (yes, we found out his name) was supposed to have actually sent someone to eyeball the building from street level. He failed to do that, and entered his report as NAC--No Apparent Change. And that's how that error happened. No "competitive analysis."
After that, I know several Air Force and Navy organizations started doing under-the-table competitive analysis out of their own budgets, not trusting the CIA with anything they needed for actual warfighting.
3. Give the DIA a seat at the table in the Situation Room. Right now, the CIA is the arbiter of intelligence that reaches the President. The Rules of Good Staffwork dictate that good staffers always reach agreement before meeting the Boss--they should never argue in front of the Boss. But giving the DIA a seat at the table would keep CIA honest, 'cause sometimes you have to break that rule.
4. Open an intelligence feed to the select intelligence committees in Congress that does
not go through White House approval. The Congress needs more than the annual Worldwide Threat Assessment, which is frankly really just a vehicle for validating the Intelligence Community budget.