I don't believe that I said it was the only case. But wouldn't you agree that the Constitutional prohibition of involuntary servitude clearly applies to rape victims?Kinda missing my point there, but if you wish to pursue this line, why is it only cases of rape that imply someone is carrying a pregnancy against their will?
I think one can make that argument about anyone pregnant against their will.I don't believe that I said it was the only case. But wouldn't you agree that the Constitutional prohibition of involuntary servitude clearly applies to rape victims?
You didn't answer my question. If a foetus is a person, how does their conception by rape make it OK to kill them? They're not at fault for it, are they?
Involuntary servitude. Or don't you believe the Constitution protects women who have been raped.
If one willingly consents to sex they know that pregnancy could result. A rape victim has no such option.I think one can make that argument about anyone pregnant against their will.
I believe I said if she is forced to carry the fetus to term against her will. Choosing to carry the fetus to term wouldn't be doing it against her will would it?Involuntary servitude. Can you tell me what is involuntary servitude about a woman who was raped deciding to give birth the rapist baby and loving the child as if it was her own and born under natural circumstances?
Your links don't cite to the studies themselves but rather to a paper about the studies. This is not a credible source as it is biased. The paper is dedicated to St. John Paui II. While I have a great amount of respect for John Paul II, the Ronan Catholic Church strongly opposes abortion so this is s biased source. Further two of the studies cited are very dated, 1957 and 1989, and given the political situation in Iran I wouldn't trust any studies coming out if that country.China (2013)—In late 2013, a meta-analysis of 36 Chinese studies found a significant association between IAs and breast cancer (OR = 1.44, 95% CI 1.29–1.59,P < 0.001). Thus, the risk was increased 44% with one IA. These researchers also found evidence of a dose–response risk. At least two abortions increased the risk 76% and “at least at three” IAs increased the risk 89% (both results were highly significant,P < 0.001) (Huang et al. 2013).
Iran (2011)—As has been the case with China and India, more recent data from Iran clearly affirms the ABC link. In 2011, Iranian researchers concluded, “Nulliparity, late age at first birth and abortion were the most important reproductive factors associated with breast cancer risk” (Hajian-Tilaki and Kaveh-Ahangar2011). Incredibly, Muslim women having five or more babies reduced their risk of breast cancer by 91 percent. Each “additional parity” (baby) was found to reduce the risk by 50 percent.
Japan (1957)—Historically, a seminal 1957 report from Japanese researchers found a relationship between abortion and breast cancer (Segi et al.1957).
Russia (1989)—An epidemiological study in the former USSR has likewise found a significant association between abortion rates and incidence of breast (and cervical) cancer (Remennick1989).
Sri Lanka (2010)—Breast cancer is the “commonest malignancy among women in the world as well as in Sri Lanka.” The incidence there has more than doubled from 4.6 per 100,000 women in 1985 to 9.8 in 2005. A case–control study conducted by researchers at the University of Colombo (Sri Lanka) examined 18 potential risk factors. Upon adjustment with multiple regression modeling, only the “controversial risk factor,” “having an abortion” in the past (OR, 3.42; 95% CI, 1.75–6.66), and passive smoking (OR 2.90), significantly increased the risk (De Silva et al.2010). Again, a family history of breast cancer (see Kamath et al.2013) was of borderline significance in the univariate analysis, and not related to risk after adjustment. Breast-feeding significantly lowered the risk of breast cancer in a dose–response manner (De Silva et al.2010).
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