- Jul 19, 2017
- 563
- 71
- 44
- Country
- United States
- Gender
- Male
- Faith
- Other Religion
- Marital Status
- Private
I expect that there will be disagreement's with my posting, please feel free to comment and respond as necessary.
Polytheism is the belief in multiple Gods, the recognition of a Supreme God over other Gods is Henotheism, and Monotheism is the worship of one God.
Actually in Sumer (which is the land, people, language encompassed within Mesopotamia) they would have had city-states and worshiped their respective male or female God(s) according to their city-state. So their Male or Female God was respective to the area, but also people in their homes would have worshiped their personal God both male and female as well. Also in each culture there is a supreme deity above all the Gods.
Polytheism renders anthropmorophology as well theophany, but we also see theophany in Biblical myths with appearance of the Biblical hero Jesus.
Also adaptation of polytheism in each pantheon for the cultures were only adoption of the idea not the Male or Female God itself. Best way to compare this, USA has a president, Mexico has a president. The example is that Mexico adopts the idea of a president, while USA may have originally had the idea of a president. So both countries have a president, but the president may not do exactly what the other president does. That is a reflection on the cultures; we even see this in Canaanite Polytheism and Israelite Polytheism. For example the Biblical hymn of Psalm 148:7 calls on the cosmic sea creature Tannin to join in praising Yahweh. Tannin being a Canaanite deity is given recognition in Biblical texts, and called to praise Yahweh in this passage. Mesopotamian culture, too, regarded monstrous creatures as subservient to deities, so the kindly attitude toward cosmic monsters is not an Israelite innovation.
The comparison of Christian to Polytheistic religions is interesting, as the Bible unlike the literature of Sumer is not written in Cuneiform. Cuneiform is a post deluge writing that predates the Biblical literature itself. Cuneiform at least in Sumer, is written in the language of Sumer a pre Semitic aggulagnative language, while the Biblical literature is Semitic based tongue, so the even the linguistics dictate that the writing of Sumer is much older. Meaning if the people of Sumer were polytheistic, and the language of the bible is monotheistic, we see themes of polytheism being much older than themes of monotheism.
Benevolent deities are often rendered anthropomorphically, whereas destructive divinities appear as monstrous in character. Moreover, theriomorphic representations reflect the dichotomy between deities and cosmic enemies. Whereas cosmic enemies are monstrous or undomesticated, the animals associated with benevolent deities (“attribute animals”) lie within the orbit of cultural domestication.
Here is a Biblical example, El often bears the title, “Bull” (CAT 1.1 III 26, IV 12, V 22; 1.2 I 16, 33, 36, III 16, 17, 19, 21; 1.3 IV 54, V 10, 35; 1.4 I 4, II 10, III 31, IV 39, 47; 1.6 IV 10, VI 26, 26; cf. 1.128.7). In this connection, the personal name ’iltr, “El is Bull,” may be noted (4.607.32).37 Baal is presented as a bull-calf (1.5 V 17–21; 1.10 II–III, esp. III 33–37; cf. 1.11; see more later), and here we may note P. The characterization of the bull as the storm-god’s “attribute animal” in Syrian glyptic.
In this connection, the bull or bull-calf mentioned in the Bible may reflect the iconography associated with El and Baal. El’s iconographic representation may underlie the image of the divine as having horns “like the horns of the wild ox” in Numbers 24:8, for this passage shows other marks of language associated with El. Many scholars are inclined to see El’s rather than Baal’s iconography behind the famous “golden calf” of Exodus 32 and the bull images erected by Jeroboam I at Bethel and Dan (1 Kings 12), but this iconography has been traced back to Baal as well. Here we might include not only the depiction of Baal in the Ugaritic texts but also the “fierce young bull” (symbol) of the storm-god, Adad. Nonetheless, the tradition in ancient Israel favors Bethel originally as an old cult-site of the god El (secondarily overlaid—if not identified—with the cult of Yahweh), perhaps as the place-name Bethel (literally, “house of El”) would suggest (Genesis 28:10–22).
Monotheism appears clearly in biblical texts dating to the sixth century, and it is possible to push back this date by a century depending on how the point is argued; in either case, monotheism seems to represent an inner-Israelite development over hundreds of years, not a feature known from Israel’s inception. While Polytheism, in contrast, is represented by many different bodies of texts from ancient Mesopotamian cities such as Assur and Babylon; many sites in Syria including the Bronze Age cities of Ebla, Ugarit, Mari, and Emar; and finally, early Israel itself as well as its Iron Age neighbors. The timing of the emergence of Israelite monotheism in the late Iron Age fits what has been called the “Axial Age” by the philosopher Karl Jaspers and his followers, a period in world history (ca. 800–200) that “witnessed the emergence of revolutionary new understandings of human understanding,” including the awareness of “the separation between transcendent and mundane spheres of reality.” This periodization of intellectual and spiritual horizons represents a broad generalization, but it illustrates how the religious worldview of early, pre-monotheistic Israel (ca. 1200–800) shares as much, if not more, with the religious outlook expressed in the texts from Ugarit (ca. 1350–1150) than with later Israel (ca. 800–200) and the monotheistic faith it eventually produced.
What is an ilu? The Akkadian term for God, in order to state comparisons between Christianity and Paganism (Polytheism), you'd have to structure a divinity between the two belief systems. A basic approach to this question would be to take an inventory of figures called “divine” (Akkadian ilu, Ugaritic ’il, BH ’e ̄l). Such a list in different Semitic languages would turn up not only major deities but also a wide variety of other phenomena: monstrous cosmic enemies; demons; some living kings; dead kings or the dead more generally; deities’ images and standards as well as standing stones; and other cultic items and places. In addition to words for “divine,” Akkadian uses a special sign (called a “determinative”) to mark divinity. The special sign for divinity applies not only to deities but also to many other phenomena such as demons, stars, the images of monstrous creatures, the determined order (sˇimtu), and legendary human heroes of old, such as Gilgamesh and Enkidu. On the whole, such an inventory suggests that divinity was attributed not only to major and minor deities but to a whole host of associated phenomena. It is further evident that distinctions were recognized among the figures and phenomena called “divine.”
In this inventory one feature stands out: apart from cult objects and places, divinity seemed to betoken status or being significantly greater than that of human beings. In general, to be divine is not to be human. So the Mesopotamian god Erra is accused of behavior inappropriate to his assigned status: “You changed your divine nature and made yourself like a mortal.” Yahweh reminds Hosea’s audience (Hosea 11:9): “For I am a god and not a man” (kıˆ ’e ̄l ’a ̄no ̄kıˆ weˇlo ̄’-’ıˆsˇ; cf. 1 Samuel 15:29; Isaiah 31:3, Ezekiel 28:2, 9, Job 9:32). Deities and people generally constitute two different divisions within reality (Akkadian ilu ̄/ila ̄ni u amelu ̄tu; Ugaritic 36 ’ilm wnsˇm, CAT 1.4 VII 51; BH ’eˇlo ̄hıˆm wa’aˇna ̄sˇıˆm, Judges 9:9, 13; Qumran Hebrew ’lym w’nsˇym, The War Scroll, 1QM 1:11). That humanity and divinity fall in two generally incommensurate categories37 represents only a beginning point for understanding either one. In one sense we are never too far from this point in discussing divinity in the ancient Middle East. We often see how divinity and humanity are distinguished and yet treated as analogous. In itself, this approach will take us, however, only a certain distance in the discussion of divinity.
The problem of discussing Christianity as its own origin is that it is not essentially, it is an adaptation (rightfully so) of older stories.
There is a story of a tower called Babel meant to reach Heaven in Biblical Mythology, wherein the Biblical God destroys the tower and splits or divides the languages. There is a much older story called Enki confusing the languages, Enki a God of Sumer, confuses the languages, the interpretation was done by Samual Noah Kramer, kind of an interesting read. And, so many other stories in Biblical literature echo those older stories. Such as Noah being an adoption of the epic of Ziusudra who is faced with a flood, the parallels in both stories are similar. One interesting fact about the Biblical story of Noah is the use of the word Tēvāh.
The biblical word Tēvāh, which is used for the arks of Noah and Moses, occurs nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible. The flood and baby episodes are thus deliberately associated and linked in Hebrew just as the Atrahasis and Sargon Arks are linked associatively in Babylonia. Now for something extraordinary: no one knows what language tēvāh is or what it means. The word for the wood, gopher, is likewise used nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible and no one knows what language or what kind of wood it is. This is a peculiar state of affairs for one of the most famous and influential paragraphs in all of the world’s writing!
The associated words kopher, ‘bitumen’, and kāphar, ‘to smear on’, are also to be found nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible, but, significantly, they came from Babylonia with the narrative itself, deriving from Akkadian kupru, ‘bitumen’, and kapāru, ‘to smear on’. In view of this it is logical to expect that tēvāh and gopher are similarly loanwords from Babylonian Akkadian into Hebrew, but there has been no convincing candidate for either word. Suggestions have been made for gopher-wood, but the identification, or the non-Hebrew word that lies behind it, remains open. Ideas have also been put forward over the centuries concerning the word tēvāh, some linking it – because Moses was in Egypt – with the ancient Egyptian word thebet, meaning ‘box’ or ‘coffin’, but these have ended nowhere. The most likely explanation is that tēvāh, like other ark words, reflects a Babylonian word.
A cuneiform tablet dealing with boats from around 500 BC, now in the British Museum, mentions a kind of boat called a ṭubbû which is found at a river crossing, apparently as part of a vessel swap among boatmen:
“… a boat (eleppu) which is six cubits wide at the beam, a ṭubbû which is at the crossing, and a boat (eleppu) five and a half (cubits) wide at the beam which is at the bridge, they exchanged for (?) one boat which is five cubits wide at the beam.”
In conclusion you cannot necessarily have original Christian ideas without Polytheistic influence, and if those older cultures were polytheistic, this means the Monotheistic ideals come from Polytheism.
Sources:
• A DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN MYTHOLOGY GWENDOLYN LEICK
• ANCIENT ISRAELITE LITERATURE IN ITS CULTURAL CONTEXT JOHN H WALTON
• THE ARK BEFORE NOAH IRVING FINKEL
• YAHWEH AND GODS AND GODDESSES OF CANAAN JOHN DAY
• THE ORIGINS OF BIBLICAL MONOTHEISM ISRAEL’S POLYTHEISTIC BACKGROUND AND THE UGARITIC TEXTS MARK S. SMITH
• INVENTING GOD’S LAW HOW THE COVENANT CODE OF THE BIBLE USED AND REVISED THE LAWS OF HAMMURABI DAVID P. WRIGHT
• THE EARLY HISTORY OF GOD YAHWEH AND OTHER DEITIES IN ANCIENT ISRAEL MARK S. SMITH
• GODS DEMONS AND SYMBOLS OF ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA GREEN AND BLACK
• THE ANTEDILUVIAN ORIGIN OF EVIL IN THE MESOPOTAMIAN AND JEWISH TRADITIONS A COMPARATIVE STUDY
• HISTORY OF BIBLICAL ISRAEL MAJOR PROBLEMS AND MINOR ISSUES ABRAHAM MALAMAT
Polytheism is the belief in multiple Gods, the recognition of a Supreme God over other Gods is Henotheism, and Monotheism is the worship of one God.
Actually in Sumer (which is the land, people, language encompassed within Mesopotamia) they would have had city-states and worshiped their respective male or female God(s) according to their city-state. So their Male or Female God was respective to the area, but also people in their homes would have worshiped their personal God both male and female as well. Also in each culture there is a supreme deity above all the Gods.
Polytheism renders anthropmorophology as well theophany, but we also see theophany in Biblical myths with appearance of the Biblical hero Jesus.
Also adaptation of polytheism in each pantheon for the cultures were only adoption of the idea not the Male or Female God itself. Best way to compare this, USA has a president, Mexico has a president. The example is that Mexico adopts the idea of a president, while USA may have originally had the idea of a president. So both countries have a president, but the president may not do exactly what the other president does. That is a reflection on the cultures; we even see this in Canaanite Polytheism and Israelite Polytheism. For example the Biblical hymn of Psalm 148:7 calls on the cosmic sea creature Tannin to join in praising Yahweh. Tannin being a Canaanite deity is given recognition in Biblical texts, and called to praise Yahweh in this passage. Mesopotamian culture, too, regarded monstrous creatures as subservient to deities, so the kindly attitude toward cosmic monsters is not an Israelite innovation.
The comparison of Christian to Polytheistic religions is interesting, as the Bible unlike the literature of Sumer is not written in Cuneiform. Cuneiform is a post deluge writing that predates the Biblical literature itself. Cuneiform at least in Sumer, is written in the language of Sumer a pre Semitic aggulagnative language, while the Biblical literature is Semitic based tongue, so the even the linguistics dictate that the writing of Sumer is much older. Meaning if the people of Sumer were polytheistic, and the language of the bible is monotheistic, we see themes of polytheism being much older than themes of monotheism.
Benevolent deities are often rendered anthropomorphically, whereas destructive divinities appear as monstrous in character. Moreover, theriomorphic representations reflect the dichotomy between deities and cosmic enemies. Whereas cosmic enemies are monstrous or undomesticated, the animals associated with benevolent deities (“attribute animals”) lie within the orbit of cultural domestication.
Here is a Biblical example, El often bears the title, “Bull” (CAT 1.1 III 26, IV 12, V 22; 1.2 I 16, 33, 36, III 16, 17, 19, 21; 1.3 IV 54, V 10, 35; 1.4 I 4, II 10, III 31, IV 39, 47; 1.6 IV 10, VI 26, 26; cf. 1.128.7). In this connection, the personal name ’iltr, “El is Bull,” may be noted (4.607.32).37 Baal is presented as a bull-calf (1.5 V 17–21; 1.10 II–III, esp. III 33–37; cf. 1.11; see more later), and here we may note P. The characterization of the bull as the storm-god’s “attribute animal” in Syrian glyptic.
In this connection, the bull or bull-calf mentioned in the Bible may reflect the iconography associated with El and Baal. El’s iconographic representation may underlie the image of the divine as having horns “like the horns of the wild ox” in Numbers 24:8, for this passage shows other marks of language associated with El. Many scholars are inclined to see El’s rather than Baal’s iconography behind the famous “golden calf” of Exodus 32 and the bull images erected by Jeroboam I at Bethel and Dan (1 Kings 12), but this iconography has been traced back to Baal as well. Here we might include not only the depiction of Baal in the Ugaritic texts but also the “fierce young bull” (symbol) of the storm-god, Adad. Nonetheless, the tradition in ancient Israel favors Bethel originally as an old cult-site of the god El (secondarily overlaid—if not identified—with the cult of Yahweh), perhaps as the place-name Bethel (literally, “house of El”) would suggest (Genesis 28:10–22).
Monotheism appears clearly in biblical texts dating to the sixth century, and it is possible to push back this date by a century depending on how the point is argued; in either case, monotheism seems to represent an inner-Israelite development over hundreds of years, not a feature known from Israel’s inception. While Polytheism, in contrast, is represented by many different bodies of texts from ancient Mesopotamian cities such as Assur and Babylon; many sites in Syria including the Bronze Age cities of Ebla, Ugarit, Mari, and Emar; and finally, early Israel itself as well as its Iron Age neighbors. The timing of the emergence of Israelite monotheism in the late Iron Age fits what has been called the “Axial Age” by the philosopher Karl Jaspers and his followers, a period in world history (ca. 800–200) that “witnessed the emergence of revolutionary new understandings of human understanding,” including the awareness of “the separation between transcendent and mundane spheres of reality.” This periodization of intellectual and spiritual horizons represents a broad generalization, but it illustrates how the religious worldview of early, pre-monotheistic Israel (ca. 1200–800) shares as much, if not more, with the religious outlook expressed in the texts from Ugarit (ca. 1350–1150) than with later Israel (ca. 800–200) and the monotheistic faith it eventually produced.
What is an ilu? The Akkadian term for God, in order to state comparisons between Christianity and Paganism (Polytheism), you'd have to structure a divinity between the two belief systems. A basic approach to this question would be to take an inventory of figures called “divine” (Akkadian ilu, Ugaritic ’il, BH ’e ̄l). Such a list in different Semitic languages would turn up not only major deities but also a wide variety of other phenomena: monstrous cosmic enemies; demons; some living kings; dead kings or the dead more generally; deities’ images and standards as well as standing stones; and other cultic items and places. In addition to words for “divine,” Akkadian uses a special sign (called a “determinative”) to mark divinity. The special sign for divinity applies not only to deities but also to many other phenomena such as demons, stars, the images of monstrous creatures, the determined order (sˇimtu), and legendary human heroes of old, such as Gilgamesh and Enkidu. On the whole, such an inventory suggests that divinity was attributed not only to major and minor deities but to a whole host of associated phenomena. It is further evident that distinctions were recognized among the figures and phenomena called “divine.”
In this inventory one feature stands out: apart from cult objects and places, divinity seemed to betoken status or being significantly greater than that of human beings. In general, to be divine is not to be human. So the Mesopotamian god Erra is accused of behavior inappropriate to his assigned status: “You changed your divine nature and made yourself like a mortal.” Yahweh reminds Hosea’s audience (Hosea 11:9): “For I am a god and not a man” (kıˆ ’e ̄l ’a ̄no ̄kıˆ weˇlo ̄’-’ıˆsˇ; cf. 1 Samuel 15:29; Isaiah 31:3, Ezekiel 28:2, 9, Job 9:32). Deities and people generally constitute two different divisions within reality (Akkadian ilu ̄/ila ̄ni u amelu ̄tu; Ugaritic 36 ’ilm wnsˇm, CAT 1.4 VII 51; BH ’eˇlo ̄hıˆm wa’aˇna ̄sˇıˆm, Judges 9:9, 13; Qumran Hebrew ’lym w’nsˇym, The War Scroll, 1QM 1:11). That humanity and divinity fall in two generally incommensurate categories37 represents only a beginning point for understanding either one. In one sense we are never too far from this point in discussing divinity in the ancient Middle East. We often see how divinity and humanity are distinguished and yet treated as analogous. In itself, this approach will take us, however, only a certain distance in the discussion of divinity.
The problem of discussing Christianity as its own origin is that it is not essentially, it is an adaptation (rightfully so) of older stories.
There is a story of a tower called Babel meant to reach Heaven in Biblical Mythology, wherein the Biblical God destroys the tower and splits or divides the languages. There is a much older story called Enki confusing the languages, Enki a God of Sumer, confuses the languages, the interpretation was done by Samual Noah Kramer, kind of an interesting read. And, so many other stories in Biblical literature echo those older stories. Such as Noah being an adoption of the epic of Ziusudra who is faced with a flood, the parallels in both stories are similar. One interesting fact about the Biblical story of Noah is the use of the word Tēvāh.
The biblical word Tēvāh, which is used for the arks of Noah and Moses, occurs nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible. The flood and baby episodes are thus deliberately associated and linked in Hebrew just as the Atrahasis and Sargon Arks are linked associatively in Babylonia. Now for something extraordinary: no one knows what language tēvāh is or what it means. The word for the wood, gopher, is likewise used nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible and no one knows what language or what kind of wood it is. This is a peculiar state of affairs for one of the most famous and influential paragraphs in all of the world’s writing!
The associated words kopher, ‘bitumen’, and kāphar, ‘to smear on’, are also to be found nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible, but, significantly, they came from Babylonia with the narrative itself, deriving from Akkadian kupru, ‘bitumen’, and kapāru, ‘to smear on’. In view of this it is logical to expect that tēvāh and gopher are similarly loanwords from Babylonian Akkadian into Hebrew, but there has been no convincing candidate for either word. Suggestions have been made for gopher-wood, but the identification, or the non-Hebrew word that lies behind it, remains open. Ideas have also been put forward over the centuries concerning the word tēvāh, some linking it – because Moses was in Egypt – with the ancient Egyptian word thebet, meaning ‘box’ or ‘coffin’, but these have ended nowhere. The most likely explanation is that tēvāh, like other ark words, reflects a Babylonian word.
A cuneiform tablet dealing with boats from around 500 BC, now in the British Museum, mentions a kind of boat called a ṭubbû which is found at a river crossing, apparently as part of a vessel swap among boatmen:
“… a boat (eleppu) which is six cubits wide at the beam, a ṭubbû which is at the crossing, and a boat (eleppu) five and a half (cubits) wide at the beam which is at the bridge, they exchanged for (?) one boat which is five cubits wide at the beam.”
In conclusion you cannot necessarily have original Christian ideas without Polytheistic influence, and if those older cultures were polytheistic, this means the Monotheistic ideals come from Polytheism.
Sources:
• A DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN MYTHOLOGY GWENDOLYN LEICK
• ANCIENT ISRAELITE LITERATURE IN ITS CULTURAL CONTEXT JOHN H WALTON
• THE ARK BEFORE NOAH IRVING FINKEL
• YAHWEH AND GODS AND GODDESSES OF CANAAN JOHN DAY
• THE ORIGINS OF BIBLICAL MONOTHEISM ISRAEL’S POLYTHEISTIC BACKGROUND AND THE UGARITIC TEXTS MARK S. SMITH
• INVENTING GOD’S LAW HOW THE COVENANT CODE OF THE BIBLE USED AND REVISED THE LAWS OF HAMMURABI DAVID P. WRIGHT
• THE EARLY HISTORY OF GOD YAHWEH AND OTHER DEITIES IN ANCIENT ISRAEL MARK S. SMITH
• GODS DEMONS AND SYMBOLS OF ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA GREEN AND BLACK
• THE ANTEDILUVIAN ORIGIN OF EVIL IN THE MESOPOTAMIAN AND JEWISH TRADITIONS A COMPARATIVE STUDY
• HISTORY OF BIBLICAL ISRAEL MAJOR PROBLEMS AND MINOR ISSUES ABRAHAM MALAMAT