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The 14th amendment and original ism.

Pommer

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Now you have added "on tribal lands." So you believe that every Indian baby born in the U.S. but NOT born on tribal land became an automatic U.S. citizen? Indians were brought up as an example. Note the context. The discussion was not about whether the Indians were on their own land in regard to law(with a crime as the example) it was a statement that an Indian crime against an Indian was not under U.S. jurisdiction because they were people of a sovereign nation.
Just as a German descendant in Pennsylvania is both a citizen of Pennsylvania and a citizen of the United States of America, so too an “Indian” is a citizen of their tribal land and a citizen of the United States of America.

Why does this sound difficult for some?
 
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JSRG

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Now you have added "on tribal lands." So you believe that every Indian baby born in the U.S. but NOT born on tribal land became an automatic U.S. citizen?
I am not entirely sure, at the time, to what extent laws applied to them if they were to temporarily leave tribal land. If they applied fully, then yes--if not, then no. The discussion regarding the Citizenship Clause is a bit confusing on this subject as to exactly what circumstances the laws fully applied to them when off their land. But what is clear is that in any cases where they were fully subject to the laws of the United States, they would indeed be citizens at birth. Trumbull said it himself:

"If they [Native Americans] are there and within the jurisdiction of Colorado, and subject to the laws of Colorado, they ought to be citizens; and that is all that is proposed."

At any rate, laws apply to legal immigrants. Again this is the distinction between them. The United States takes full jurisdiction of crimes committed by illegal immigrants--it did not do so with Native Americans.
 
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Valletta

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I am not entirely sure, at the time, to what extent laws applied to them if they were to temporarily leave tribal land. If they applied fully, then yes--if not, then no. The discussion regarding the Citizenship Clause is a bit confusing on this subject as to exactly what circumstances the laws fully applied to them when off their land. But what is clear is that in any cases where they were fully subject to the laws of the United States, they would indeed be citizens at birth. Trumbull said it himself:

"If they [Native Americans] are there and within the jurisdiction of Colorado, and subject to the laws of Colorado, they ought to be citizens; and that is all that is proposed."

At any rate, laws apply to legal immigrants. Again this is the distinction between them. The United States takes full jurisdiction of crimes committed by illegal immigrants--it did not do so with Native Americans.
No, that's not Trumbull's meaning. Again we have the same wording, "subject" to the laws of Colorado. That means allegiance, as per the conversation Trumbull agreed there must be allegiance. As to your position, in all of the decades before all of the Indians were made citizens by law, how many documented examples can you provide of Indians being born when off of the reservation and automatically being declared citizens? Please provide their names and links to their cases.
 
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JSRG

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No, that's not Trumbull's meaning. Again we have the same wording, "subject" to the laws of Colorado. That means allegiance, as per the conversation Trumbull agreed there must be allegiance.

Except Trumbull as examples of how they are not subject to the laws of Colorado, mentions cases of laws they are, well, not subject to.

As for the question of the mention of allegiance, I already addressed this point--or rather, I quoted someone else addressing this point. Here it is again, as explained by Michael Ramsey in his article "Originalism and Birthright Citizenship" on pages 449-450 (footnotes omitted):

Second, in the argument over the Clause’s application to Native Americans, Senator Trumbull stated: “What do we mean by ‘subject to the jurisdiction of the United States?’ Not owing allegiance to anybody else.” This language can be read to exclude aliens’ U.S.-born children (who often would also owe allegiance to the country of their parents’ nationality). But Trumbull likely spoke imprecisely, meaning instead (as he also said repeatedly) those over whom the United States did not have “complete” jurisdiction, as the full context of his comment indicates:

The provision is, that “all persons born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens.” That means “subject to the complete jurisdiction thereof.” Now, does the Senator from Wisconsin [Doolittle] pretend to say that the Navajoe Indians are subject to the complete jurisdiction of the United States? What do we mean by “subject to the jurisdiction of the United States?” Not owing allegiance to anybody else.
. . .
. . . It is only those persons who come completely within our jurisdiction, who are subject to our laws, that we think of making citizens . . . .

Howard, speaking shortly afterward, stated:

I concur entirely with the honorable Senator from Illinois [Trumbull], in holding that the word “jurisdiction,” as here employed, ought to be construed so as to imply a full and complete jurisdiction on the part of the United States. . . . Certainly, gentlemen cannot contend that an Indian belonging to a tribe, although born within the limits of a State, is subject to this full and complete jurisdiction.

This is consistent with the way others, including Senators Trumbull and Howard, used the phrase as it related to the tribes: the requirement as they understood it was that persons be fully subject to U.S. jurisdiction (which tribal members were not). In any event, here and in related passages Trumbull was discussing the application of the Citizenship Clause to the Native tribes and was not directly considering the children of aliens. Like Howard, Trumbull did not object when Conness stated that the Clause included the U.S.-born children of aliens, and as discussed below, Trumbull thought that the related provisions of the 1866 Civil Rights Act gave U.S.-born children of aliens U.S. citizenship.

Again: Illegal immigrants are completely subject to the laws of the United States, just like regular immigrants are. The Native Americans weren't. That's exactly why Trumbull is mentioning examples of how they aren't fully subject to the laws. You asked what the distinguishing factor that makes one citizens at birth and the others not, and that is what it is. Trumbull, in full context rather than the brief snippet you provided, seems to make this quite clear.

As to your position, in all of the decades before all of the Indians were made citizens by law, how many documented examples can you provide of Indians being born when off of the reservation and automatically being declared citizens? Please provide their names and links to their cases.
As I noted, it's not entirely clear to me under which circumstances they were fully subject to US laws when off the reservation, especially given the shifting of laws over time. But even if there were no cases (which would mean their children would not be citizens), it would not matter because--again--the whole reason for this was the whole not being fully subject to the laws of the country.

But since this mention of being on/off reservations seems to offend you so much, we can set it aside given it does not actually affect my point.
 
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Valletta

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Again: Illegal immigrants are completely subject to the laws of the United States, just like regular immigrants are. The Native Americans weren't. That's exactly why Trumbull is mentioning examples of how they aren't fully subject to the laws. You asked what the distinguishing factor that makes one citizens at birth and the others not, and that is what it is. Trumbull, in full context rather than the brief snippet you provided, seems to make this quite clear.


As I noted, it's not entirely clear to me under which circumstances they were fully subject to US laws when off the reservation, especially given the shifting of laws over time. But even if there were no cases (which would mean their children would not be citizens), it would not matter because--again--the whole reason for this was the whole not being fully subject to the laws of the country.

But since this mention of being on/off reservations seems to offend you so much, we can set it aside given it does not actually affect my point.
No, your conclusion that 'Illegal immigrants are completely subject to the laws of the United States" and that "Native Americans weren't" is in error. I have no idea why you think that. Both illegal immigrants and Indians were subject to U.S. law on U.S. territory. In fact, Congress later passed a law that extended U.S. jurisdiction over Indians to INCLUDE INDIAN TERRITORY for seven major crimes. It was called the "Major Crimes Act."
 
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JSRG

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No, your conclusion that 'Illegal immigrants are completely subject to the laws of the United States" and that "Native Americans weren't" is in error. I have no idea why you think that. Both illegal immigrants and Indians were subject to U.S. law on U.S. territory.

I think that based on the fact Trumbull, the guy you quoted as proof of your claims, made that point repeatedly. The Native Americans aren't fully subject to US laws, and so they don't qualify as subject to US jurisdiction. That's his whole point. He even gives examples of how they aren't subject to US laws.

You also have ignored the strong evidence that Trumbull did think that, whatever was the case or rationale for Native Americans not being eligible, the Fourteenth Amendment did grant citizenship to children of immigrants who were subject to the jurisdiction.

In fact, Congress later passed a law that extended U.S. jurisdiction over Indians to INCLUDE INDIAN TERRITORY for seven major crimes. It was called the "Major Crimes Act."
I am fully aware of the Major Crimes Act, given I mentioned it in a prior post. Its constitutionality is questionable (one law review article criticizing the Supreme Court's upholding of it labeled their rationale that congress has this power "the it-must-be-somewhere notion") and it appears to go against the idea the Senators discussing the Citizenship Clause had of the relationship between the United States and the Native Americans. But, accepting it as valid, what difference does it make? The US government taking increased jurisdiction and applying more laws does not mean it has taken full jurisdiction and applied all laws, a remark I made when I originally brought up the Major Crimes Act.
 
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Valletta

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I think that based on the fact Trumbull, the guy you quoted as proof of your claims, made that point repeatedly. The Native Americans aren't fully subject to US laws, and so they don't qualify as subject to US jurisdiction. That's his whole point. He even gives examples of how they aren't subject to US laws.

You also have ignored the strong evidence that Trumbull did think that, whatever was the case or rationale for Native Americans not being eligible, the Fourteenth Amendment did grant citizenship to children of immigrants who were subject to the jurisdiction.


I am fully aware of the Major Crimes Act, given I mentioned it in a prior post. Its constitutionality is questionable (one law review article criticizing the Supreme Court's upholding of it labeled their rationale that congress has this power "the it-must-be-somewhere notion") and it appears to go against the idea the Senators discussing the Citizenship Clause had of the relationship between the United States and the Native Americans. But, accepting it as valid, what difference does it make? The US government taking increased jurisdiction and applying more laws does not mean it has taken full jurisdiction and applied all laws, a remark I made when I originally brought up the Major Crimes Act.
Clearly there are those groups of people (it's not based on land as per your previous comment) such as Native Americans, whose allegiance is not to the U.S. and thus they are not included under the Citizenship Clause. Quite simply illegal immigrants likewise do not have allegiance to our country.
 
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Pommer

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Clearly there are those groups of people (it's not based on land as per your previous comment) such as Native Americans, whose allegiance is not to the U.S. and thus they are not included under the Citizenship Clause. Quite simply illegal immigrants likewise do not have allegiance to our country.
People who have chosen to March a thousand miles to get here don’t have an allegiance to our country?
You cannot seriously be arguing this.
 
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Aryeh Jay

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People who have chosen to March a thousand miles to get here don’t have an allegiance to our country?
You cannot seriously be arguing this.

I thought they were coming to sell drugs, rape our women, and take our jobs. Well, and eat certain things.
 
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JSRG

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Clearly there are those groups of people (it's not based on land as per your previous comment) such as Native Americans, whose allegiance is not to the U.S. and thus they are not included under the Citizenship Clause. Quite simply illegal immigrants likewise do not have allegiance to our country.
In regards to the Native Americans, it is land-based; the one thing I am not sure about is if it was completely land based, or only partially land based. It is obvious that while on tribal land (whether that be a formal reservation or, as was the case in some areas at that point, a sort of more vague large area where Native Americans with no formal treaty lived), the United States had no real jurisdiction on their land outside of treaties they made... well, until the United States decided it wanted more direct power and started passing laws (of questionable constitutionality) to govern the tribes without any treaty agreement, not even forced treaty agreement, on the part of the tribes. But that came decades after the Fourteenth Amendment. There is an argument to be made that such laws did put them under the jurisdiction of the United States, though one could also say that since it wasn't all the laws affecting them, it did not (the 1924 Indian Citizenship Act makes this question largely moot, though). Regardless of the situation of later years, the thing I am not so sure about is whether the US jurisdiction at the time of the Fourteenth Amendment was complete if a Native American stepped off tribal land. It was noted the United States did not take jurisdiction of crimes committed by one Native American against another, but was that only applicable on tribal land, or did it include off? I'm not so sure of that. But ultimately: If the Native Americans were fully under the jurisdiction of all laws of the United States while off tribal land (including crimes committed against each other), they were under its jurisdiction and any born outside of tribal land would be citizens.

However, that specific question is ultimately not all that important to the point, so let's move onto your claims about allegiance. To recap, you laid your argument on a statement by Senator Trumbull. You said:

Illinois Senator Lyman Trumbull explained what “subject to the jurisdiction” meant: “The provision is, that ‘all persons born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens.’ That means, ‘subject to the complete jurisdiction thereof.’ …What do we mean by ‘subject to the jurisdiction of the United States?’ Not owing allegiance to anybody else. That is what it means” (p. 2893). . . .

I have already noted the fact that Trumbull says that subject to the jurisdiction means subject to the laws of, and gives examples of how Native Americans (the ones that have not become "civilized", at least) are not subject to the lands of the United States and therefore ineligible. And Trumbull also has no apparent objection to the idea that children of immigrants are citizens. You have not really responded to these points.

But there is a larger problem with your argument, which is the quote, even out of context, does not say what you are claiming it does. You claim that illegal immigrants do not qualify because they do not have allegiance to our country. But Trumbull never says anything about having allegiance. He talks about owing allegiance. Indeed, if the criteria was someone's parents having allegiance, then we run into all kinds of confusing situations. Do people retroactively lose their citizenship if their parents are discovered to have been spies at the time of their births?

But, of course, that's if we're talking parents. But it's not actually the parents who matter, but the child themselves. The Citizenship Clause, after all, says "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." Now, does it say people whose parents are subject to the jurisdiction of the Untied States are citizens? No, it says it is determined by whether the person who is born is subject to the jurisdiction. If we, as you claim, are supposed to interpret this as someone having allegiance, then (unless there's some genius baby out there), no one at the time of their birth is capable of having allegiance to a country on the simple grounds that they don't even know what a country is, let alone have allegiance to it.

This is exactly why Trumbull used the phrase "owing allegiance". For the reasons given above, it is nonsense to try to assign citizenship to a baby based on either them or their parents having allegiance.

For ease of reference, here is again Trumbull's statements in larger context:

Mr. TRUMBULL. Of course my opinion is not any better than that of any other member of the Senate; but it is very clear to me that there is nothing whatever in the suggestions of the Senator from Wisconsin. The provision is, that "all persons born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens." That means "subject to the complete jurisdiction thereof." Now, does the Senator from Wisconsin pretend to say that the Navajoe Indians are subject to the complete jurisdiction of the United States? What do we mean by "subject to the jurisdiction of the United States?" Not owing allegiance to anybody else. That is what it means. Can you sue a Navajoe Indian in court? Are they in any sense subject to the complete jurisdiction of the United States? By no means. We make treaties with them, and therefore they are not subject to our jurisdiction. If they were, we would not make treaties with them. If we want to control the Navajoes, or any other Indians of which the Senator from Wisconsin has spoken, how do we do it? Do we pass a law to control them? Are they subject to our jurisdiction in that sense? Is it not understood that if we want to make arrangements with the Indians to whom he refers we do it by means of a treaty? The Senator himself has brought before us a great many treaties this session in order to get control of those people.

If you introduce the words "not taxed," that is a very indefinite expression. What does "excluding Indians not taxed" mean? You will have just as much difficulty in regard to those Indians that you say are in Colorado, where there are more Indians than there are whites. Suppose they have property there, and it is taxed; then they are citizens.

Mr. WADE. And ought to be.

Mr. TRUMBULL. The Senator from Ohio says they ought to be. If they are there and within the jurisdiction of Colorado, and subject to the laws of Colorado, they ought to be citizens; and that is all that is proposed. It cannot be said of any Indian who owes allegiance, partial allegiance if you please, to some other Government that he is "subject to the jurisdiction of the United States." Would the Senator from Wisconsin think for a moment of bringing a bill into Congress to subject these wild Indians with whom we have no treaty to the laws and regulations of civilized life? Would he think of punishing them for instituting among themselves their own tribal regulations? Does the Government of the United States pretend to take jurisdiction of murders and robberies and other crimes committed by one Indian upon another? Are they subject to our jurisdiction in any just sense? They are not subject to our jurisdiction. We do not exercise jurisdiction over them. It is only those persons who come completely within our jurisdiction, who are subject to our laws, that we think of making citizens; and there can be no objection to the proposition that such persons should be citizens.

It seems to me, sir, that to introduce the words suggested by the Senator from Wisconsin would not make the proposition any clearer than it is, and that it by no means embraces, or by any fair construction — by any construction, I may say —could embrace the wild Indians of the plains or any with whom we have treaty relations, for the very fact that we have treaty relations with them shows that they are not subject to our jurisdiction. We cannot make a treaty with ourselves; it would be absurd. I think that the proposition is clear and safe as it is.

Trumbull, as noted, identifies examples of how they, at least at the time, were not subject to the laws of the United States ("Can you sue a Navajoe Indian in court?" and "Does the Government of the United States pretend to take jurisdiction of murders and robberies and other crimes committed by one Indian upon another?"). And he also twice uses the phrase "subject to our laws" in conjunction with "within our jurisdiction" to show that is what it refers to. To be subject to the jurisdiction thereof is to be subject to the laws thereof, and since that is not the case for the Native Americans, they are not subject. And Trumbull, while not explicitly saying that children of immigrants become citizen, gave absolutely no objection to the Senators talking previously who said it did. And it is also worth noting that he also affirms that "if they are there and within the jurisdiction of Colorado, and subject to the laws of Colorado, they ought to be citizens; and that is all that is proposed" showing that any Native American subject to the laws of Colorado would gain citizenship under this.

However, I have now realized--thanks to your error in asserting he said you need to have allegiance when he actually said it's about owing allegiance--that I have been looking at things incorrectly in a way that actually hampers my position, because I have been focusing so much on the condition of the parents to the exclusion of the fact it's the actual child's condition that matters. Again, the Fourteenth Amendment says "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" not "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and born to someone subject to the jurisdiction thereof". In a few cases, like the case of the child of an ambassador, their parent's condition matters as the diplomatic immunity is retained by the child, but this is not the case for a regular immigrant, legal or illegal.

Should an immigrant (say, a Mexican) come to the United States and give birth, the child at the time of their birth is subject to the jurisdiction (laws) of the United States. If one insists on discussing allegiance, they owe allegiance only to the United States at that time. Although by Mexican law they gain citizenship (like the United States, the child of a citizen of Mexico born outside of the country is a citizen of Mexico), no allegiance is owed to Mexico, given that Mexico exercises no jurisdiction over them (except through whatever the United States agrees to, still making it US law that is governing), until such time as the child returns to Mexico. In contrast to this, they are subject to each and every law of the United States and allegiance is due to it (whether they choose to show that allegiance--once they're old enough to understand what allegiance is--is their own choice, but it is due as long as they remain in the United States). Allegiance being due and being subject to the law go together, for it is only those that have allegiance due to the United States that laws are enforced against.

Thus, the status of the child's parents is irrelevant unless it actually affects whether the child is subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, or requires allegiance to another country. This is not the case for normal immigrants, whether they are legal or illegal.

Who is it the case for, then? Well, we have discussed ambassadors. Their diplomatic immunity, exempting them (at least mostly) from the laws of the United States, is a trait passed on to their children. Contrariwise, they (and their children) continue to be subject to the jurisdiction and laws of their home country, and owe allegiance to it, in a fashion that is not the case for regular immigrants. There is the case of the occupying armies, as the armies and their children owe no allegiance to the United States and are not subject to its jurisdiction as a practical matter. And there is of course the Native Americans. If born to Native Americans--at least on their tribal land--then they owe allegiance to that tribe. They may owe some degree of allegiance to the United States, particularly after government passed more laws enforcing laws on tribal land, but it's not full allegiance because not all the laws apply.

And that seems to explain it all quite nicely. The children of Native Americans, ambassadors, and occupying armies are born into the jurisdiction (or, as Trumbull put it, born into owing allegiance) to entities other than the Untied States. But that is not the case for children of immigrants--illegal or otherwise--because their children born in the United States do owe allegiance to the United States as long as they remain in it, as shown by the fact all of the laws apply to them and they can be tried for breaking them.

tl;dr: While I think allegiance is not as good as describing whether one is subject to the jurisdiction of the United States as the simple question of whether its laws apply to them, it still does work. However, the source offered (Trumbull) said nothing about how you need to have allegiance to be subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, but how you need to owe allegiance to it. Save for the normal exceptions (children of ambassadors, children of occupying armies, children of Native Americans (at least on tribal land or other circumstances that the laws do not fully apply to them)), anyone born in the United States is subject to its laws and owes allegiance to it at the time of their birth, and will continue to owe such allegiance--and be subject to the jurispudence/laws of the country (subject to laws and allegiance being owed really go hand in hand)--so long as they remain. The fact that laws fully apply to them demonstrates this fact.
 
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Valletta

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What was being discussed was the allegiance of the parents, not the newborn. Your misinterpretation of "owe" to fit your conclusion is at least imaginative. The situation was that while the Republicans had successfully seen the passing of the Civil Rights Act, there was great concern the Democrats would pass a law barring blacks citizenship. Thus the amendment was put in place. The conversations reflect the understanding of the amendment at the time, and an objective examination shows nothing to support birth right citizenship for a child whose parents are citizens of a foreign nation. It's simply not there.
 
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RocksInMyHead

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What was being discussed was the allegiance of the parents, not the newborn.
The 14th amendment says absolutely nothing about the parents, so their allegiance is irrelevant.
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
 
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Valletta

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The 14th amendment says absolutely nothing about the parents, so their allegiance is irrelevant.
The point is to determine the understanding of the amendment at the time. The discussion of allegiance was in regard to the parents, the senators knew the newborns had not pledged allegiance to any country when they were born.
 
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JSRG

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What was being discussed was the allegiance of the parents, not the newborn.

As I pointed out very explicitly in my post, the Citizenship Clause says nothing about parents, only the newborn.

Your misinterpretation of "owe" to fit your conclusion is at least imaginative.

How is it in any way imaginative? It seems far less imaginative than the idea that the word "owe" actually means "has."

The situation was that while the Republicans had successfully seen the passing of the Civil Rights Act, there was great concern the Democrats would pass a law barring blacks citizenship. Thus the amendment was put in place. The conversations reflect the understanding of the amendment at the time, and an objective examination shows nothing to support birth right citizenship for a child whose parents are citizens of a foreign nation. It's simply not there.
It's "simply not there"?

In the conversations on the amendment--the ones you say "reflect the understanding"--it's made blatantly obvious that children of parents who are citizens of a foreign nation will become citizens.

Almost right after discussion on it starts, Senator Cowan starts complaining about it, because he doesn't like the idea that foreigners would become citizens under it. He cites as specific examples Gypsies, Chinese, and Mongolians. After going on a rant about how bad he thinks it is to have gypsies around, he says:

"Are those people, by a constitutional amendment, to be put out of the reach of the State in which they live? I mean as a class. If the mere fact of being born in the country confers that right, then they will have it; and I think it will be mischievous."

Thus as we can clearly see, his complaint is that it would make it so that the children of gypsies (non-citizens) born in the US as citizens.

After going on to fret about the possibilities of Mongols taking over, he says even more explicitly:

"Therefore I think, before we assert broadly that everybody who shall be born in the United States shall be taken to be a citizen of the United States, we ought to exclude others besides Indians not taxed, because I look upon Indians not taxed as being much less dangerous and much less pestiferous to society than I look upon Gypsies."

His entire rant is entirely predicated upon the assumption that children of non-citizens would be citizens under the Amendment (he goes on to worry about Chinese too). That's the reason he doesn't like the amendment. He recognizes that you can't really expel citizens, and frets over the problems that would occur if people from other countries were to come to the US and their children were citizens, worrying that they'd overtake the country because you couldn't expel their citizen children.

No one steps forward to contest this interpretation of the amendment. Instead, Senator Cowan (from California) starts talking to try to say that making the children of immigrants be citizens isn't something to worry about. He is even more explicit than Cowan in saying that children of non-citizens will be citizens:

"The proposition before us, I will say, Mr. President, relates simply in that respect to the children begotten of Chinese parents in California, and it is proposed to declare that they shall be citizens. We have declared that by law; now it is proposed to incorporate the same provision in the fundamental instrument of the nation. I am in favor of doing so. I voted for the proposition to declare that the children of all parentage whatever, born in California, should be regarded and treated as citizens of the United States, entitled to equal civil rights with other citizens of the United States."

How more explicit can you get? He even cites the Chinese as an example, very clearly showing it applies to children of citizens of foreign countries because the Chinese immigrants actually couldn't naturalize (the process for gaining citizenship after birth). Yet here he is clearly saying that children of these non-citizens would be citizens.

Conness then goes on to argue that there aren't enough Chinese for Cowan's worries to be warranted, particularly as they almost always end up returning to China anyway, and also dismisses Cowan's claims about gypsies, asserting that he's only heard people complain about them in the last few months and thinks they're just being brought up to try to defeat the amendment.

Again, no one steps forward to tell them they're arguing on false pretenses. Everyone was clearly in agreement that children of citizens of other countries, if born in the United States, would be citizens of the United States. The only disagreement was whether this was a good idea or not. After this, the debate turns away from that issue to the question of Native Americans and arguments as to whether they are already excluded by the text or if they need to add in "excluding Indians not taxed". But in any event, it has clearly shown that they regarded the children of citizens of other countries as being citizens of the US if born there.

How in the world can someone look at these quotes clearly stating that they would be citizens, in the context of an argument that is entirely predicated on the assumption that they would be citizens, and claim "an objective examination shows nothing to support birth right citizenship for a child whose parents are citizens of a foreign nation"?
 
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