This is the second part of a five-part series about Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan. Click here for part one.
I argued last week the decision to confirm Elena Kagan to the Supreme Court, where she could spend the next 40 years reinterpreting the Constitution, should focus on her legal philosophy rather than murky questions about her sexual orientation. There is but one problem with this approach: it appears Kagan has published extraordinarily little for us to judge. Paul Campos of The Daily Beast recounted, in the nearly 20 years since Kagan became a law professor, shes published very little academic scholarship three law review articles, along with a couple of shorter essays and two brief book reviews. Remarkably, Kagan received tenure at the University of Chicago in 1995 on the basis of a single article in The Supreme Court Review a scholarly journal edited by Chicagos own faculty and a short essay in the schools law review. Even her slender canon of articles generally assesses the views of others without breaking new ground. As Campos summed up, Kagan is more or less an academic nonentity. (Coincidentally, her mentor, Abner Mikva, told Business Week a few years ago, The best way a judge can get nominated and confirmed is to have as little a paper record as possible. Judges arent writing as many law review articles, and their decisions are much narrower than they used to be.)
Does this mean we have no way to divine her judicial views? No. Kagan has given us a glimpse of her worldview by those whom she has hailed as heroes: judicial activists who disregard our Founding Fathers intent, see the Court as an instrument of social change, support abortion, and want American law interpreted by foreign law.
Kagan saluted two of Americas foremost proponents of the living Constitution by name on Monday when she was formally nominated. Her voice swelled with pride as she said, I clerked for a judge, Abner Mikva, who represents the best in who represents the best in public service, and for a justice, Thurgood Marshall, who did more to promote justice over the course of his legal career than did any lawyer in his lifetime. She named two other legal scholars Cass Sunstein and Aharon Barak before being named Solicitor General. All four members of this quartet should frighten anyone who cherishes our Founding Fathers system of limited government and inalienable rights.
...
Thurgood Marshall: The Worst Justice in Modern History
After leaving Abner Mikvas bush league activism, Kagan clerked for Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall. Since no other conservative commentator seems to have marshaled the courage to enunciate this truth in the last week, I will say the unthinkable: Thurgood Marshall was a judicial revolutionary who disdained our Founding Fathers and the nuclear family at every opportunity, relished his ability to impose his views via the law, urged the court to discriminate against white people, longed for the redistribution of wealth along racial lines, and loosened the strictures on abortion and pornography. He was a walking Constitutional convention with a scatological sense of humor.
Kagan spoke glowingly of Thurgood Marshalls advice that justices show a special solicitude for the despised and disadvantaged to safeguard the interests of people who had no other champion. Kagan defended Marshalls liberal judicial philosophy, saying, however much some recent justices have sniped at that vision, it remains a thing of glory.
Marshall described his vision to a gathering of Supreme Court clerks in less grandiloquent terms: You do what you think is right and let the law catch up. Another of Kagans heroes, Obama Regulatory Czar Cass Sunstein (who also clerked for the Supreme Court justice), said, Marshall is responsible for the idea that social reform, through the Courts in the name of the Constitution, was both possible and desirable.
To further his social revolution, Marshall consciously rejected the founders view of the document they wrote and lost few chances to ridicule them. RNC Chairman Michael Steele made one hapless and misguided attempt to point out Marshalls disrespect for the Constitution last week, noting that the justice called it flawed. (Barack Obama has used identical language about the Constitution, saying that fundamental flaw continues to this day.) But Marshall supplied Steele with an abundance of unused material. In 1987, Thurgood Marshall intoned the bicentennial of the U.S. Constitution would prompt proud proclamations of the wisdom, foresight, and sense of justice shared by the Framers and reflected in a written document now yellowed with age. This is unfortunate. He added, I do not believe that the meaning of the Constitution was forever fixed at the Philadelphia Convention. Nor do I find the wisdom, foresight, and sense of justice exhibited by the Framers particularly profound.
Im sure they would reciprocate.
After rehearsing the familiar litany of complaints against the slaveholding founders (which I refuted here and here), Marshall praised those who refused to acquiesce in outdated notions of liberty, justice, and equality, and who strived to better them. He encouraged people to learn the Constitution's inherent defects, and its promising evolution, which he rightly judged would be a more humbling experience.
Here the justice exposed the heart of his judicial philosophy: Succeeding generations have the duty to recast the Constitution in their own image, because they are morally superior to the founders.
Redefining the family became part of his ongoing sociological jurisprudence. Marshall once said he disagreed with the notion that the nuclear family is the basic building block of our society. It was, he said, merely a middle class norm that government has no business foisting on those to whom economic or psychological necessity dictates otherwise.[1]
In his view, the government had more important decisions to impose. He advocated a sweeping distribution of wealth from whites to blacks. If that seems stark, Marshalls description was more so. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, who believed the purpose of the Constitution was to keep the Government off the backs of the people, recounted in his autobiography The Court Years: 1939-1975 that during the Affirmative Action debate, Thurgood Marshall once told him: You guys have been practicing discrimination for years. Now its our turn. (Marshall had used crude, discriminatory language before, telling a black publisher, those white crackers are going to get tired of having Negro lawyers beating them every day in court.)
He made the same argument, in more elevated terms, in his opinion in the Bakke case, which permitted reverse discrimination in American universities under certain conditions. He argued for widespread quotas thus: during most of the past 200 years, the Constitution as interpreted by this Court did not prohibit the most ingenious and pervasive forms of discrimination against the Negro. Now, when a State acts to remedy the effects of that legacy of discrimination, I cannot believe that this same Constitution stands as a barrier. He continued with the paradoxical argument that we now must permit the institutions of this society to give consideration to race in making decisions about who will hold the positions of influence, affluence, and prestige in America in order to become a fully integrated society, one in which the color of a persons skin will not determine the opportunities available to him or her. This must progress even if blacks must be accorded greater protection under the Fourteenth Amendment than whites where it is necessary to remedy the effects of past discrimination.
Ever the social revolutionary, Marshall redistributed the right to life, denying it to the innocent but granting it to the guilty. Not only did he support Roe v. Wade, but his contribution liberalized abortion law further than it might have otherwise been.Justice Harry Blackmun wanted to allow states to regulate abortion heavily after the first trimester. Seeing an early draft of the decision, Marshall replied abortion after the third month should be subject to restrictions directed at health and safety alone.[2] In the delicate political negotiations leading up to the decision, Blackmun incorporated Marshalls view into his ruling.
Although he had little use for innocent life (as does Kagan), Marshall held the death penalty to be inadmissible and unconstitutional in all cases....
This full article discusses Cass Sunstein (who believes the Constitution requires taxpayers to fund abortion and has proposed abolishing marriage), Democratic Socialist Abner Mikva, and Israeli Supreme Court justice Aharon Barak (who has been called Israel's "Big Brother").Click here to continue reading.
I argued last week the decision to confirm Elena Kagan to the Supreme Court, where she could spend the next 40 years reinterpreting the Constitution, should focus on her legal philosophy rather than murky questions about her sexual orientation. There is but one problem with this approach: it appears Kagan has published extraordinarily little for us to judge. Paul Campos of The Daily Beast recounted, in the nearly 20 years since Kagan became a law professor, shes published very little academic scholarship three law review articles, along with a couple of shorter essays and two brief book reviews. Remarkably, Kagan received tenure at the University of Chicago in 1995 on the basis of a single article in The Supreme Court Review a scholarly journal edited by Chicagos own faculty and a short essay in the schools law review. Even her slender canon of articles generally assesses the views of others without breaking new ground. As Campos summed up, Kagan is more or less an academic nonentity. (Coincidentally, her mentor, Abner Mikva, told Business Week a few years ago, The best way a judge can get nominated and confirmed is to have as little a paper record as possible. Judges arent writing as many law review articles, and their decisions are much narrower than they used to be.)
Does this mean we have no way to divine her judicial views? No. Kagan has given us a glimpse of her worldview by those whom she has hailed as heroes: judicial activists who disregard our Founding Fathers intent, see the Court as an instrument of social change, support abortion, and want American law interpreted by foreign law.
Kagan saluted two of Americas foremost proponents of the living Constitution by name on Monday when she was formally nominated. Her voice swelled with pride as she said, I clerked for a judge, Abner Mikva, who represents the best in who represents the best in public service, and for a justice, Thurgood Marshall, who did more to promote justice over the course of his legal career than did any lawyer in his lifetime. She named two other legal scholars Cass Sunstein and Aharon Barak before being named Solicitor General. All four members of this quartet should frighten anyone who cherishes our Founding Fathers system of limited government and inalienable rights.
...
Thurgood Marshall: The Worst Justice in Modern History
After leaving Abner Mikvas bush league activism, Kagan clerked for Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall. Since no other conservative commentator seems to have marshaled the courage to enunciate this truth in the last week, I will say the unthinkable: Thurgood Marshall was a judicial revolutionary who disdained our Founding Fathers and the nuclear family at every opportunity, relished his ability to impose his views via the law, urged the court to discriminate against white people, longed for the redistribution of wealth along racial lines, and loosened the strictures on abortion and pornography. He was a walking Constitutional convention with a scatological sense of humor.
Kagan spoke glowingly of Thurgood Marshalls advice that justices show a special solicitude for the despised and disadvantaged to safeguard the interests of people who had no other champion. Kagan defended Marshalls liberal judicial philosophy, saying, however much some recent justices have sniped at that vision, it remains a thing of glory.
Marshall described his vision to a gathering of Supreme Court clerks in less grandiloquent terms: You do what you think is right and let the law catch up. Another of Kagans heroes, Obama Regulatory Czar Cass Sunstein (who also clerked for the Supreme Court justice), said, Marshall is responsible for the idea that social reform, through the Courts in the name of the Constitution, was both possible and desirable.
To further his social revolution, Marshall consciously rejected the founders view of the document they wrote and lost few chances to ridicule them. RNC Chairman Michael Steele made one hapless and misguided attempt to point out Marshalls disrespect for the Constitution last week, noting that the justice called it flawed. (Barack Obama has used identical language about the Constitution, saying that fundamental flaw continues to this day.) But Marshall supplied Steele with an abundance of unused material. In 1987, Thurgood Marshall intoned the bicentennial of the U.S. Constitution would prompt proud proclamations of the wisdom, foresight, and sense of justice shared by the Framers and reflected in a written document now yellowed with age. This is unfortunate. He added, I do not believe that the meaning of the Constitution was forever fixed at the Philadelphia Convention. Nor do I find the wisdom, foresight, and sense of justice exhibited by the Framers particularly profound.
Im sure they would reciprocate.
After rehearsing the familiar litany of complaints against the slaveholding founders (which I refuted here and here), Marshall praised those who refused to acquiesce in outdated notions of liberty, justice, and equality, and who strived to better them. He encouraged people to learn the Constitution's inherent defects, and its promising evolution, which he rightly judged would be a more humbling experience.
Here the justice exposed the heart of his judicial philosophy: Succeeding generations have the duty to recast the Constitution in their own image, because they are morally superior to the founders.
Redefining the family became part of his ongoing sociological jurisprudence. Marshall once said he disagreed with the notion that the nuclear family is the basic building block of our society. It was, he said, merely a middle class norm that government has no business foisting on those to whom economic or psychological necessity dictates otherwise.[1]
In his view, the government had more important decisions to impose. He advocated a sweeping distribution of wealth from whites to blacks. If that seems stark, Marshalls description was more so. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, who believed the purpose of the Constitution was to keep the Government off the backs of the people, recounted in his autobiography The Court Years: 1939-1975 that during the Affirmative Action debate, Thurgood Marshall once told him: You guys have been practicing discrimination for years. Now its our turn. (Marshall had used crude, discriminatory language before, telling a black publisher, those white crackers are going to get tired of having Negro lawyers beating them every day in court.)
He made the same argument, in more elevated terms, in his opinion in the Bakke case, which permitted reverse discrimination in American universities under certain conditions. He argued for widespread quotas thus: during most of the past 200 years, the Constitution as interpreted by this Court did not prohibit the most ingenious and pervasive forms of discrimination against the Negro. Now, when a State acts to remedy the effects of that legacy of discrimination, I cannot believe that this same Constitution stands as a barrier. He continued with the paradoxical argument that we now must permit the institutions of this society to give consideration to race in making decisions about who will hold the positions of influence, affluence, and prestige in America in order to become a fully integrated society, one in which the color of a persons skin will not determine the opportunities available to him or her. This must progress even if blacks must be accorded greater protection under the Fourteenth Amendment than whites where it is necessary to remedy the effects of past discrimination.
Ever the social revolutionary, Marshall redistributed the right to life, denying it to the innocent but granting it to the guilty. Not only did he support Roe v. Wade, but his contribution liberalized abortion law further than it might have otherwise been.Justice Harry Blackmun wanted to allow states to regulate abortion heavily after the first trimester. Seeing an early draft of the decision, Marshall replied abortion after the third month should be subject to restrictions directed at health and safety alone.[2] In the delicate political negotiations leading up to the decision, Blackmun incorporated Marshalls view into his ruling.
Although he had little use for innocent life (as does Kagan), Marshall held the death penalty to be inadmissible and unconstitutional in all cases....
This full article discusses Cass Sunstein (who believes the Constitution requires taxpayers to fund abortion and has proposed abolishing marriage), Democratic Socialist Abner Mikva, and Israeli Supreme Court justice Aharon Barak (who has been called Israel's "Big Brother").Click here to continue reading.