JSRG
Well-Known Member
- Apr 14, 2019
- 2,204
- 1,400
- Country
- United States
- Gender
- Male
- Faith
- Christian
- Marital Status
- Single
They said for official business he is immune from the law.
Dealings with foreign countries, giving our pardons, even killing people can be deemed official business.
This is a considerably different claim that you originally made. You declared "The president is immune from the law so says SCOTUS." You give no qualification whatsoever for this, and indeed went so far as to claim that "he can do whatever he pleases." Now you shrink back and say "for official business he is immune from the law" which is a rather different claim. It is like saying "smoking is illegal in the United States" and when challenged simply switching the claim to "smoking is illegal in the United States for those below the age of 21."
But even this more moderate claim of it only being "official business" overstates the reality. Trump v. United States is a confusing opinion that possibly raises more questions than it answers, hence why people end up with so many different interpretations of it, but the absolute immunity only extends to "core constitutional powers". Official acts that are not from the Constitution instead get the more mild, albeit more confusing, "at least presumptive immunity" label. Nevertheless, still not absolute immunity.
Your new list of things the President can do is dialed back considerably from your previous claims, now only saying "dealings with foreign countries, giving our [sic] pardons, even killing people can be deemed official business." In other words, implicitly acknowledging the Supreme Court didn't say the President is immune for these things (certainly it never said anything about killing anyone). To be fair, it is true someone could "deem" it as such, given the confusing and vague nature of the opinion, but even if all of those are true, it still falls short of your prior claims.
I don't want to defend the opinion. It's badly reasoned. It's confusing as to what it is even deciding (perhaps it avoided making more specific conclusions because it was otherwise impossible to keep a majority together?). And its entire approach is wrongheaded to begin with (Barrett's concurring opinion, while mostly agreeing with the conclusions of the majority, disagreed with the approach and said that it shouldn't be framed as an immunity issue at all and just a question of how Congress can regulate the exercise of executive power, made much more sense). But even a broad reading of it does not go as far as the claims you were previously making, which you dialed back on in your response.
One final thing should be noted. Everything in the Supreme Court decision really only matters after a President leaves office. Because even if the Supreme Court were to say "there's no immunity, civil or criminal, at all", the President would still be effectively immune from criminal prosecution while in office because of various things that make prosecution a practical impossibility, such as the fact they can fire anyone in the Department of Justice who tries to bring any charge against them.
It's not a good opinion, but let's not exaggerate it and claim it says things it doesn't.
Upvote
0