The same critique broadly applies to "should be", as well.
"Will be" is a concern if one cares about the prestige of the court.
You keep insisting your analysis is objective, but insistence doesn't make it so. There are alternate explanations for Kavanaugh's outburst. Your argument is contingent on a -big- assumption about him as a person, and that's that his emotional response falls under your perception of what's normal. But something that is true is that not everybody has the same emotional response to the same situation, and that you can't acknowledge this is extremely problematic for your own argument.
No, the reasoning and argument I have articulated is not based upon any assumption of "what's normal." Normalcy, irregularity, abnormal, simply are not components of my argument and as a result, my argument is not based upon any assumption involving those components.
Neither is my argument concerned with whether some people, many people, most people, or anyone, has the same "emotional response to the same situation." Hence, what you identify as "problematic for my argument" is not problematic, because my argument is not concerned with what you identify as being "problematic." You've incorporated into my argument elements and reasoning that my argument does not raise and is not dependent upon. That is problematic.
An alternate explanation for his outburst is that his outrage was calculated. There are pieces of evidence that fit this--that he has plenty of courtroom experience, that he went onto a partisan network to persuade an audience, an irregular op-ed in the WSJ, that he had time in advance to prepare his remarks. There are other alternate explanations that match the facts as well.
The "calculated" aspect has been addressed previously. Sure, Kavanaugh's outburst on 9/27 could have been calculated but this is not the issue my argument addresses or seeks to address. Neither does my argument deny the possibility of some of Kavanaugh's remarks on 9/27 as "calculated."
[QUOTE/But it is not objectively true and this is the problem. (see below) And I'm not sure why somebody as smart as you won't concede this basic point.[/QUOTE]
Spare me the subtle insult, obscured with flattery, and wrapped in language my argument does not invoke. How about I use the converse of your reasoning and say to you, "And I'm not sure why somebody as smart as you won't concede" the basic point that Kavanaugh's conduct on 9/27 does not establish he will be partial on the bench. Let's dispense
Now, let's set the record straight because, so far, you have gone off into the unpleasant land of tangents.
1. I never used the phrase "objectively true." I am not even familiar with the meaning of the phrase "objectively true." In fact, I cannot recall on any prior occasion ever seeing, reading, or hearing the phrase "objectively true" used.
2. My argument is not concerned with what is or is not normal.
3. My argument is not concerned with whether anyone will have the same "emotional response to the same situation."
You have conflated my rather easy to follow argument to include a plethora of sub-issues not germane to my argument.
I'm not disputing that his 12 years on the bench is a valuable indicator of his future performance. But it's only a part of the calculus. As you well know, "this happened in the past therefore this will happen in the future" is not sound logic. Oversight of the supreme court works differently than oversight of the lower court, and it's a pretty big assumption that a person operating under different constraints will behave in the same way as he'd previously behaved. This does not mean his record is useless, I personally can't think of a better single piece of evidence of his future performance. But the important word here is "single", and a recent and significant event does raise questions, including changing some of the prior assumptions under which his record was evaluated.
You've cited the ABA's recommendation, but you've neglected to mention that they too are reevaluating their assessment of Kavanaugh and asked the Senate to hold off on its vote. New information requires reassessment of previous positions.
My argument is not the mindless, simplistic "happened in the past, therefore, this will happen in the future." Rather, the argument is based upon behaviors of a human being while at work, behaviors not created in a day but behaviors repeatedly engaged in for 12 years while at work, and established as a norm, as a
modus operandi based on the repeated behavior over a 12 year span in a particular context, in a specific setting, in relation to other people, in relation to stimulus. But not just 12 years of
any work. The 12 years of work included similar, in some instances, identical work he will be performing while on the U.S. Supreme Court. Indeed, the vast majority of his 12 years of labor is similar or identical to the work he will be undertaking while on SCOTUS. That's pretty compelling evidence of who Kavanaugh will be, likely will be, will be according to some amount of probability, impartial.
In addition, the ABA recommendation is based upon, in part, a review of his 12 years of work. The review goes beyond merely reviewing decisions he authored, his concurrences, and his dissents. The ABA review includes interviews with his colleagues while he was on the court for 12 years. The ABA is also known to interview some of the parties who argued a case before a panel of judges that included Brett Kavanaugh. He received a "Well Qualified" rating that was based upon, in part, the aforementioned information. (ABA is NOT reevaluating their "Well Qualified" rating.) It is doubtful Kavanaugh receives a "Well Qualified" rating if there is consistent information he has been biased, in other words partial against or for a party/parties before him, and he did not fairly listen to the arguments. That's pretty compelling evidence as well.
Does this evidence reflect how Kavanaugh is likely to conduct himself on SCOTUS? Yes.
What about his conduct in a non-judicial setting where he is invited to freely express his thoughts?Does his conduct on 9/27 "raise questions"? Sure, but so what? Questions pre-existed the 9/27 conduct of Brett Kavanaugh. In fact, Democrats had "questions" before Trump had formally nominated anyone. Many people and several media outlets also had "questions" for any nomination was made. There have questions pertaining to many prior nominees. Brett Kavanaugh is not some novelty because people have questions. The fact someone, or some people, have questions is not reflective of who he will be on the Court or how he will conduct himself on the Court.
I have questions of my own, pertaining to whether Kavanaugh will be impartial, i.e. not biased for or against a party before him, while on the Court if the Democratic Party, or perhaps Senate Democrats, are a party to a case before SCOTUS. But rationally, the fact I have questions is not reflective or an indication of who Kavanaugh is likely to be or will be while on SCOTUS.
By putting the onus on the left, you've essentially relying on an argument from ignorance. "If they can't persuade he's unfit, then he is fit." But this is an inherently subjective evaluation, there's no possible way the left could ever clear this hurdle in any situation that is likely to arise. Your own statement can't be right.
You have transformed my statement regarding the burden of proof into a Strawman statement, and the very content of the Strawman statement itself lacks the characteristic of rationality.
My statement of, "
If the left is going to claim he will be biased on the bench because of what he said on 9/27 then it is up to the left to persuade how and why his recent action shows he will be biased and how and why he will conduct himself in a biased manner while on the Court," is not equivalent to the mind numbing Strawman of, "If they can't persuade he's unfit, then he is fit."
My italicized statement is asserting the left has a burden of proof, and they do. To say someone has a burden of proof is to say nothing more than the person, subject, or side of a debate, has a responsibility of providing evidence, argument, or both, in support of their conclusion. My italicized remark above is to say the left has the burden of arguing how and why Kavanaugh's conduct on 9/27 renders him biased when he sits on the bench, or likely to be biased or some probability of being biased.
It is absolutely crazy and irrational to treat a statement that someone, some side, in an argument, in a debate, has a burden of proof to be the equivalent to saying if the burden of proof is not met, then the opposite of the claim is true. My assertion the left has a burden of proof is not to say if their burden is not met, then the opposite of their claim is true. The fact is, the left's claim may in fact be true, and correct, without any argument or evidence. The left's claim may be true despite the fact the argument and evidence does not persuasively support the conclusion. However, failing to meet the burden of proof only means they could not persuasively, by evidence, argument, or both, show the claim to be true by some measure of probability (likely true, more likely than not, beyond a reasonable doubt, etcetera). I am not remotely asserting if the left fails to show Kavanaugh is unfit, then this means he is fit.
So, you are very much wrong in your statement that my remark is the equivalent of saying Kavanaugh is fit if leftists cannot show he is unfit.
It's also not possible for Kavanaugh to persuade he's fit for the same reason
Nonsense! Kavanaugh and his supporters have a burden of proof of showing Kavanaugh will be, or is likely to be, or to some degree of probability will be, impartial on the bench. And the notion they have a burden of proof is not to say "If they (he) cannot persuade he's fit, then he is unfit."
Just because it's not achievable doesn't mean it should be abandoned.
That statement makes sense to you? If there is absolutely zero chance, no possibility, of achieving bipartisan support for a nominee, then it makes sense to futilely seek it anyway?
But my position is based on how the left (and frankly, the middle) will respond. A candidate without inflammatory rhetoric under his belt gives less grounds for criticism than one with inflammatory rhetoric. All other things being equal, and if one cares about the appearance of the court, the candidate without the inflammatory rhetoric is preferable. There shouldn't even be a debate about this question. The debate should be over how preferable.
My remark addressed the question of "how preferable." I said, "
Should it? You clearly base this analysis on the comment. So, rationally, the answer to your query is how to treat his remarks on 9/27. If he is as “well qualified,” ABA designation, as the other candidates, and ABA did say he was “well qualified,” then do his remarks, and the other candidates lack of them, make him less preferable? No. Why? For reasons previously devoted to the topic of his remarks. Given the context, his remarks do not render him less preferable."