How about I research my own topics, and you research yours. You make lots of wild claims, but you have no substantial evidence.
Have some scholarly research:
The Trials of Frederick Hollick: Obscenity, Sex Education, and Medical Democracy in the Antebellum United States
"Haynes presents the trials of Frederick Hollick and explores the sexual politics inherent in the popular health movement, which dominated discussions of American medicine for the first half of the nineteenth century. Usually understood primarily as a form of widespread resistance to medical professionalization, the movement also developed into the first wave of public sex education in America. Therefore, popular health can properly be understood as a social movement that brought sexuality into the public sphere, often appropriating a medical idiom to challenge conservative sex and gender arrangements."
Perversion for Profit: Citizens for Decent Literature and the Arousal of an Antiinappropriate content Public in the 1960s
"For instance, Janice Irvine has shown how battles over sex education beginning in the 1960s ultimately played into the conservative agenda after conservative leaders distorted the terms of the debate.6 Opposition to inappropriate contentography, too, followed this pattern, as members of the postwar liberal consensus found themselves pinned down by their vigilant defense of civil liberties even as they generally supported obscenity laws and thus unable to respond adequately to conservative attacks.7 CDL led the way in showing conservative politicians how to frame inappropriate contentography as a one-sided issue that demonized any potential opposition and displaced the politics of the New Deal era with polarizing social issues, a tactic numerous New Right politicians eagerly utilized. Though abortion had historically been identified as a Catholic issue, after the 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision it became a focal point in the politicization of evangelical Protestants, and by the 1980s opposition to abortion rights resided at the center of conservative politics.152 Simultaneously, the demonization of feminism and the Equal Rights Amendment became a major component of conservative gender politics, as Phyllis Schlafly's Stop-ERA campaign of the mid-1970s warned the world of unisex toilets and women forced into masculinity.153 Finally, homophobia developed as a permanent staple of the New Right in the late 1970s, as several gay rights ordinances were recalled in cities across the nation; Anita Bryant's Save Our Children crusade, which began in 1977, issued baseless threats that young boys could be "turned" gay through "deviant" influences, while conservatives in 1978 attempted to pass a state law preventing homosexuals from teaching in California.154 These themes continued to reverberate through New Right discourse for decades and could still be witnessed in the 2004 election, as President George W. Bush spoke in coded language during the presidential debates to appease antichoice activists, while conservatives sponsored a national moral panic over gay marriage that resulted in several states passing restrictive constitutional amendments."
inappropriate contentography-blocking software may also block health information sites
[Carol Richardson] and colleagues simulated adolescents' searching and browsing on the internet, and compiled results from 24 health information searches and six inappropriate contentography searches. They classified the results as health information or inappropriate contentography, and also identified the top adolescent health information sites. Then, they tested six popular blocking products at three levels of restrictiveness. At the least restrictive setting, configured to block only inappropriate contentography, 89% of inappropriate contentography and only 1.4% of health sites were blocked; at moderate settin 90% of inappropriate contentography sites and 5% of health sites were blocked; at the most restrictive settings, health information blocking increased "substantially" to 24%, but inappropriate contentography blocking increased only slightly, to 91%. There was little variability among products (JAMA 2002; 288: 2887-94).
Letting It All Hang Out: Mardi Gras Performances Live and on Video
Mayer examines Mardi Gras as a commodified spectacle of female nudity in live performance, softcore video, and tourism. Mardi Gras brings together entrepreneurs and consumers in ways that reveal gender, race, and class relations not only in today's U.S. but also in America's consumption of its global Others.
