House Judiciary Committee Holds Barr in Contempt

[JosephZ]

There's already been 4 how many more do we need to have?

Source?

Oh wait never mind I already know the answer to that "until they find something/anything they can use to try to get rid of Trump with". (I really wish they would grow up and act like adults)

I think there were 10 (TEN) investigations on Benghazi. Doesn't that sound about right?

 

[Gigimo]

I think there were 10 (TEN) investigations on Benghazi. Doesn't that sound about right?

I have no earthly idea I didn't pay much attention to them cause I knew they were for show. She is one of them and "exposing" too much information would have been bad for both sides. DC is a small town and everybody knows what everybody else is doing call it "having dirt on each other" if you will.

 

[JosephZ]

A political campaign isn't required to report contacts with foreign governments. George P. was required to report an effort to interfere, assuming it actually came from Russians.

You really don't have a problem knowing that none of these people reported Russian contacts to the FBI, even after the campaign was warned about Russian interference in our democratic process?

What is? That people met with Russians? Hillary paid for Russian intel on Trump. Where's that investigation?

The facts are the facts. We need to examine the details, not the over-hyped claims that are irrelevant.

If you read the report for yourself you will see just how amoral, corrupt, and unpatriotic President Trump and his campaign were leading up to and following the 2016 election.

 

[Gigimo]

Source?

Actually 5, lets see there was one by each of these committees House Intelligence, Senate Intelligence, House Oversight and Senate Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on Crime and Terrorism and last but not least the Mueller Investigation. That just about covers it don't you think??

 

[JosephZ]

Look what we have now. The President's son is trying to avoid questioning by the Republican-led committee investigating Russian interference.

Donald Trump Jr. seen resisting Senate committee subpoena: sources - Reuters

And some people actually believe what we are seeing from the Trump administration is normal? There's something these people are really trying hard to keep secret.

 

[Hank77]

I'm also curious as to why we shouldn't investigate her part in all of this? Or maybe what all Obama knew and did nothing about?

So Barr has said he will be investigating Clinton and Obama. Wait and see what he comes up with. If they did you can bet it will be made public.

However, they are not who this thread is about, they aren't mentioned in the OP. Can we stay on topic?

 

[JosephZ]

Actually 5, lets see there was one by each of these committees House Intelligence, Senate Intelligence, House Oversight and Senate Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on Crime and Terrorism and last but not least the Mueller Investigation. That just about covers it don't you think??

Actually I was expecting you to come up with more than that. The key is that many of the investigations are still on going.

 

[Hank77]

Look what we have now. The President's son is trying to avoid questioning by the Republican-led committee investigating Russian interference.

Donald Trump Jr. seen resisting Senate committee subpoena: sources - Reuters

And some people actually believe what we are seeing from the Trump administration is normal? There's something these people are really trying hard to keep secret.

Actually I'm not so sure of that. I think the war plan is to cause as much media presence as possible, make the Dems. fight for what they get, and when there is nothing more incriminating than has already been shown in the Mueller Report they can make the Dems. look like ignorant, revengeful partisan hacks.

 

[Catfisher]

You really don't have a problem knowing that none of these people reported Russian contacts to the FBI, even after the campaign was warned about Russian interference in our democratic process?

The requirement isn't to report any Russian contact. It was to report Russian contact once they claimed to have illegal information - Hillary's hacked emails.

George P. didn't even meet Russians. He met a Maltese professor and several undercover FBI agents who were spying on him.

You'll have to give details on all the other contacts I'm supposed to care about.

If you read the report for yourself you will see just how amoral, corrupt, and unpatriotic President Trump and his campaign were leading up to and following the 2016 election.

Not really. I just see a political witch hunt report full of rumors and innuendo. Prove me wrong. Post some evidence.

 

[Catfisher]

Look what we have now. The President's son is trying to avoid questioning by the Republican-led committee investigating Russian interference.

He's already testified for what - a dozen hours - in front of a Congressional panel? As a part of that, he agreed to testify so long as that was his only required appearance. Looks like Congress isn't holding up their end of the deal.

And some people actually believe what we are seeing from the Trump administration is normal? There's something these people are really trying hard to keep secret.

It's below normal. "Normal" is the Secretary of State taking $145,000,000 in contributions from Russians for selling uranium, and her husband earning $500,000 speaking fees from Russians.

That's "normal", apparently.

 

[JosephZ]

Actually I'm not so sure of that. I think the war plan is to cause as much media presence as possible, make the Dems. fight for what they get, and when there is nothing more incriminating than has already been shown in the Mueller Report they can make the Dems. look like ignorant, revengeful partisan hacks.

That's also a possibility.

 

[JosephZ]

The requirement isn't to report any Russian contact.

Let's forget about the law or requirements. Do you really not have a problem knowing that none of these people reported Russian contacts to the FBI, even after the campaign was warned about Russian interference in our democratic process?

George P. didn't even meet Russians. He met a Maltese professor and several undercover FBI agents who were spying on him.

You'll have to give details on all the other contacts I'm supposed to care about.

Not really. I just see a political witch hunt report full of rumors and innuendo. Prove me wrong. Post some evidence.

Since you asked for it:

July 22, 2015: British publicist Rob Goldstone emailed Trump’s executive assistant Rhona Graff, stating that Russian pop star Emin Agalrov wanted to invite Trump to a birthday celebration in Moscow for his father, Russian oligarch Aras Agalarov. Goldstone also stated that Emin wanted Trump to “write a small message of congratulations to his father.” Graff was Trump’s executive assistant at the Trump Organization, and the Mueller report and press reporting made it clear that Graff handled Trump’s communications while he was a candidate.
July 24, 2015: Graff emailed Goldstone, stating that she would let Trump know about the invitation but that it was “highly unlikely” that he would be able to visit Moscow. Graff also stated that Trump would like to send a “congratulatory note.”
July 24, 2015: Goldstone emailed Graff, saying “I totally understand re Moscow—unless maybe he would welcome a meeting with President Putin which Emin would set up.”
September 2015: Sometime during or after September 2015, Trump’s personal attorney Michael Cohen “[reached] out to gauge Russia’s interest” in a meeting between Trump and Putin. The sentencing memo for Cohen does not specify the means by which Cohen reached out or specifically to whom he reached out.
September 2015: Felix Sater, a Russian-born Trump business partner, contacted Cohen “on behalf of I.C. Expert Investment Company (I.C. Expert), a Russian real-estate development corporation controlled by Andrei Vladimirovich Rozov.”
September 22, 2015: Cohen forwarded materials related to the Trump Tower Moscow deal to Georgian business executive Giorgi Rtskhiladze. The Mueller report indicates that Cohen “communicated” with Rtskhiladze during the fall of 2015 about the Trump Tower Moscow deal. This report only contains contacts between Cohen and Rtskhiladze that are explicitly listed in the Mueller report. The two men may have had more communications, and the contacts listed in this report represent a conservative estimate. Rtskhiladze has since disputed Mueller’s characterization of him, claiming the report has “glaring inaccuracies.”
September 24, 2015: Rtskhiladze emailed Cohen about the Trump Tower Moscow deal. The email included a draft of a letter from the Trump Organization to the Mayor of Moscow, and Rtskhiladze explained “[w]e need to send this letter to the Mayor of Moscow (second guy in Russia) he is aware of the potential project and will pledge his support.”
September 24, 2015: Rtskhiladze emailed Cohen again, providing a translation of the letter which stated that the Trump Tower Moscow deal would represent a stronger relationship between the U.S. and Russia.
September 27, 2015: Rtskhiladze emailed Cohen again, suggesting that the Trump Organization work with a company controlled by a Russian architect on the Trump Tower Moscow deal.
October 12, 2015: Sater emailed Cohen, telling him that “VTB Bank President and Chairman Andrey Kostin was on board to fund the project.”
October 13, 2015: An individual by the name of Dmitry Chizhikov emailed Sater a copy of the Trump Tower Moscow letter of intent that had been signed by Rozov, asking him to have Trump sign it. Sater then passed the signed letter to Cohen.
October 28, 2015: Trump signed the letter of intent, addressed to Rozov and I.C. Expert, for the Trump Tower Moscow deal. Cohen emailed the letter back to Rozov on November 2, 2015.
November 4, 2015: Sometime around this date, Sater emailed Cohen that an unnamed individual would be joining him and Rozov on their vacation in the Bahamas, and that this individual was linked to the powerful Russian oligarchs Arkady and Boris Rotenberg.
November 16, 2015: Lana Erchova, who was married at the time to Russian businessman Dmitry Klokov, emailed Ivanka Trump on behalf of her husband “to offer Klokov’s assistance to the Trump Campaign.”
November 18-19, 2015: Klokov and Cohen “had at least one telephone call and exchanged several emails.”
November 18, 2015: Klokov emailed Cohen, recommending that he visit Russia.
November 18, 2015: Cohen emailed Klokov, indicating he was willing to meet.
November 18, 2015: Klokov emailed Cohen, agreeing that if Trump were going to visit Russia, it would be an informal visit.
November 18, 2015: Klokov emailed Cohen, suggesting that he separate the business negotiations from the potential plan for Trump to meet a “person of interest” in Moscow. This “person of interest” was identified by Klokov’s wife as Putin.
November 19, 2015: Klokov emailed Cohen, emphasizing that this “person of interest” was critical.
November 19, 2015: Cohen emailed Klokov, rejecting his suggestions.
December 1, 2015: Sater emailed Cohen, “asking him to send [Sater] photographs of his passport to facilitate a trip to Moscow.”
December 13, 2015: Evgeny Shmykov, a former Russian military intelligence (GRU) general working with Sater on the Trump Tower Moscow deal, requested passport information from Cohen in order to arrange a visa for a potential trip to Moscow. Shmykov made this request by calling Sater, who emailed Cohen saying “that he had Mr. Shmykov on the phone.”
December 19, 2015: Sater informed Cohen that the Russian state-owned sanctioned VTB Bank was arranging visas and an invitation to Russia.
December 19, 2015: Cohen sent Sater his passport details for the Russian visa, and Sater passed these details along to his GRU contact.
December 19, 2015: Sater asked for Trump’s passport details. Cohen replied that he would give them to Sater after Cohen returned from Moscow.
December 19, 2015: Sater asked for clarification, and Cohen replied “it’s premature for his and I am the one going.”
December 21, 2015: Mira Duma, described as “a contact of Ivanka Trump’s from the fashion industry,” invited Ivanka Trump and her father to the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum on behalf of Russian Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Prikhodko.
December 31, 2015: Sater sent Cohen an invitation to Moscow from the sanctioned Russian bank GenBank.
January 11, 2016: Cohen attempted to email Russian president Vladimir Putin’s top spokesperson Dmitry Peskov. The email reportedly did not go through because of an incorrect email address.
January 14, 2016: Cohen emailed Peskov—the equivalent of the White House press secretary—at the Kremlin asking for assistance the Trump Tower Moscow deal. The Kremlin originally confirmed that it received the email but stated that it did not reply.
January 14, 2016: Graff emailed Duma, declining the invitation to the economic forum.
January 15, 2016: Duma emailed Graff saying that a formal note to the Deputy Prime Minister declining the invitation would be “great.”
January 16, 2016: Cohen emailed Peskov’s office again, saying that “he was trying to reach another high-level Russian official, and asked for someone who spoke English to contact him.”
January 19, 2016: Goldstone emailed Donald Trump Jr., copying Graff, stating that he was “just in Moscow and met with a good friend who runs the marketing for [Russian social media site] VK.” Goldstone relayed the offer from VK to create a “campaign page on VK for Mr. Trump and market it to the almost 3 million influential Russian American voters living in the USA.”
January 19, 2016: Graff emailed Goldstone saying she had copied Dan Scavino, who would “be in touch.” Scavino headed the Trump campaign’s social media efforts.
January 19, 2016: Goldstone emailed Scavino and Graff, saying “Emin will be in NYC in January and I am sure would love to stop by.”
January 19, 2016: Scavino emailed Goldstone, copying Graff, saying “please feel free to send me whatever you have on this system” and stating that he would “share it with the team.”
January 20, 2016: Cohen received an email from Peskov’s assistant, “stating that she had been trying to reach [Cohen] and requesting that he call her using a Moscow-based phone number she provided.”
January 20, 2016: Sometime shortly on or after January 20, 2016, Cohen called Peskov’s assistant and spoke with her for around 20 minutes, describing his position at the Trump Organization and the proposed Trump Tower Moscow deal. He reportedly “requested assistance in moving the project forward, both in securing land to build the proposed tower and financing the construction.”
January 21, 2016: While working on the Trump Tower Moscow deal, Cohen received a letter from Russian mortgage tycoon Andrey Ryabinskiy, inviting him to Moscow “for a working visit.”
January 22, 2016: Sater asked Cohen to take a call with his former GRU contact.
January 22, 2016: Cohen replied that he could take the call.
January 22, 2016: Cohen took a call with a former GRU officer about the Trump Tower Moscow deal.
January 22, 2016: Sater then emailed Cohen saying “it’s all set.”
February 2016: Ukrainian politician Andrii V. Artemenko allegedly spoke with Cohen and Sater about a Ukrainian peace plan “at the time of the primaries, when no one believed that Trump would even be nominated.” This peace plan, which was ultimately delivered to then-national security adviser Michael Flynn, involved lifting U.S. sanctions on Russia. The Ukrainian ambassador to the United States noted that the plan could have been “pitched or pushed through only by those openly or covertly representing Russian interests.”
February 29, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. and Graff stating that Aras Agalarov asked Goldstone to “pass on his congratulations” to Trump and that Agalarov wanted to offer “his support and that of many of his important Russian friends and colleagues.” Emin Agalarov was copied on the email. The email contained a letter addressed to Trump from Aras Agalarov stating “all of us at Crocus Group follow with great interest your bright electoral campaign. On the eve of Super Tuesday we would like to wish you success in winning this major ballot.”
March 2016: Paul Manafort visited WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange in the Ecuadorian Embassy in London. Manafort had reportedly made multiple visits to Assange since 2013. The exact date of this visit is unclear, and while Manafort did not officially join the Trump campaign until March 28, 2016, he had been actively seeking to join the campaign for a number of weeks. As early as February 29, 2016, Manafort “reached out to Mr. Trump with a slick, carefully calibrated offer that appealed to the candidate’s need for professional guidance, thirst for political payback — and parsimony.”
March 14, 2016: George Papadopoulos, a Trump campaign foreign policy adviser, met with Joseph Mifsud in Italy. Mifsud is alleged to have high-level contacts within the Kremlin, although he has denied these allegations.
March 17, 2016: Russian Deputy Prime Minister Prikhodko emailed Graff “inviting Trump to participate in the 2016 Forum in St. Petersburg.”
March 24, 2016: Papadopoulos met with Mifsud and a “female Russian national” who he incorrectly believed was a relative of Putin’s. This individual was later revealed to be a woman by the name of Olga Polonskaya.
March 30, 2016: Trump’s former Deputy Campaign Chairman and aide Rick Gates emailed Konstantin Kilimnik, a Russian-Ukrainian political operative and former member of Russian intelligence, materials related to Manafort’s involvement in the Trump campaign “for translation and dissemination.”
March 31, 2016: New York banker Robert Foresman “began reaching out to Graff to secure an in-person meeting with candidate Trump. According to Foresman, he had been asked by Anton Kobyakov, a Russian presidential aide involved with the Roscongress Foundation, to see if Trump could speak at the Forum.” Foresman was introduced to Graff over the phone through Trump business associate Mark Burnett.
Late March 2016: After their phone introduction, Foresman emailed Graff as part of his attempt to pass along an overture from a Russian presidential aide.
April 10, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Polonskaya, saying that he was a Trump adviser.
April 11, 2016: Manafort corresponded with Kilimnik, asking if Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska had seen news coverage of Manafort joining the Trump campaign.
April 11, 2016: Kilimnik replied to Manafort’s email, saying “absolutely.”
April 11, 2016: Manafort emailed him again, asking “How do we use to get whole?”
April 11, 2016: Polonskaya emailed Papadopoulos back, stating that she “would be very pleased to support [his] initiatives between [their] two countries.”
April 11, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Polonskaya (cc’ing Mifsud) about the possibility of arranging a foreign policy trip to Russia.
April 11, 2016: Mifsud replied to Papadopoulos, saying, “this is already been agreed [sic].”
April 11, 2016: Polonskaya replied to Papadopoulos, saying, “we are all very excited by the possibility of a good relationship with Mr. Trump. The Russian Federation would love to welcome him once his candidature would be officially announced.”
April 11, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Mifsud, thanking him.
April 12, 2016: Mifsud emailed Papadopoulos, forwarding him a Libya-related document.
April 12, 2016: Mifsud emailed Papadopoulos again.
April 12, 2016: Mifsud and Papadopoulos exchanged at least one text message.
April 12, 2016: Papadopoulos and Mifsud met.
April 18, 2016: Mifsud introduced Papadopoulos (over email) to an individual claiming to have connections to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ivan Timofeev.
April 18-April 22, 2016: At some point within this date range, Papadopoulos and Timofeev held a Skype call.
April 22, 2016: Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos.
April 22-May 4, 2016: After the April 22 email exchange, at some point within this date range, Papadopoulos and Timofeev had “additional email communications […] including setting up conversations over Skype.” The contact above may be the “email communications” to which this refers, and this contact and the following one refer to the “conversations over Skype.”
April 22-May 4, 2016: As noted above, Papadopoulos and Timofeev set up “conversations over Skype,” indicating at least two Skype conversations during this time period.
April 25, 2016: Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos.
April 26, 2016: Foresman sent a reminder to Graff about setting up a meeting with Trump or another senior campaign official.
April 26, 2016: Mifsud told Papadopoulos that Russians had dirt on Hillary Clinton during a meeting in London.
April 27, 2016: Trump was introduced to Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak by Simes at a reception before Trump’s foreign policy speech.
April 27, 2016: Senior Trump campaign advisers Jeff Sessions and Jared Kushner met with Kislyak at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C., before Trump’s first foreign policy speech.
April 29, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Polonskaya about a potential trip to Russia.
April 30, 2016: Papadopoulos contacted Mifsud to thank him “for his ‘critical help’ in arranging a meeting between the Campaign and the Russian government.”
April 30, 2016: Foresman sent a reminder to Graff.
Late April 2016: Graff sent an apology to Foresman and forwarded his April 26, 2016 email (as well as his initial March 2016 email) to Corey Lewandowski.
May 2016-August 2016: During this time period, Gates “periodically sent Kilimnik polling data via WhatsApp.” Gates “sent Kilimnik polling data less frequently” after Manafort left the campaign in August.
May 2016-August 2016: This contact represents the second time Gates send Kilimnik polling data. The wording of the Mueller report suggests that Gates sent Kilimnik polling data at least five separate instances during this time period. The Mueller report makes it clear that Gates had been sending Kilimnik polling data frequently, and after August 2016, he began sending it less frequently. This implies Gates sent Kilimnik data multiple times after August 2016, which we will conservatively consider two contacts. That in turn implies that Gates must have sent Kilimnik polling data more times prior to August than he did after August—that is, at least three times. As such, we conservatively interpret the report to include at least five contacts between Gates and Kilimnik regarding polling data. Gates may have had many more contacts with Kilimnik during this time period. It is also unclear if Kilimnik replied to Gates’ messages, which would also entail additional contacts.

 

[Catfisher]

Actually I'm not so sure of that. I think the war plan is to cause as much media presence as possible, make the Dems. fight for what they get, and when there is nothing more incriminating than has already been shown in the Mueller Report they can make the Dems. look like ignorant, revengeful partisan hacks.

That doesn't seem like their strategy at all, considering it is Democrats who are still beating dead horses in the leftist media. They already look like ignorant, revengeful hacks, but that is their own doing.

 

[Catfisher]

Let's forget about the law or requirements. Do you really not have a problem knowing that none of these people reported Russian contacts to the FBI, even after the campaign was warned about Russian interference in our democratic process?


Since you asked for it:

July 22, 2015: British publicist Rob Goldstone emailed Trump’s executive assistant Rhona Graff, stating that Russian pop star Emin Agalrov wanted to invite Trump to a birthday celebration in Moscow for his father, Russian oligarch Aras Agalarov. Goldstone also stated that Emin wanted Trump to “write a small message of congratulations to his father.” Graff was Trump’s executive assistant at the Trump Organization, and the Mueller report and press reporting made it clear that Graff handled Trump’s communications while he was a candidate.
July 24, 2015: Graff emailed Goldstone, stating that she would let Trump know about the invitation but that it was “highly unlikely” that he would be able to visit Moscow. Graff also stated that Trump would like to send a “congratulatory note.”
July 24, 2015: Goldstone emailed Graff, saying “I totally understand re Moscow—unless maybe he would welcome a meeting with President Putin which Emin would set up.”
September 2015: Sometime during or after September 2015, Trump’s personal attorney Michael Cohen “[reached] out to gauge Russia’s interest” in a meeting between Trump and Putin. The sentencing memo for Cohen does not specify the means by which Cohen reached out or specifically to whom he reached out.
September 2015: Felix Sater, a Russian-born Trump business partner, contacted Cohen “on behalf of I.C. Expert Investment Company (I.C. Expert), a Russian real-estate development corporation controlled by Andrei Vladimirovich Rozov.”
September 22, 2015: Cohen forwarded materials related to the Trump Tower Moscow deal to Georgian business executive Giorgi Rtskhiladze. The Mueller report indicates that Cohen “communicated” with Rtskhiladze during the fall of 2015 about the Trump Tower Moscow deal. This report only contains contacts between Cohen and Rtskhiladze that are explicitly listed in the Mueller report. The two men may have had more communications, and the contacts listed in this report represent a conservative estimate. Rtskhiladze has since disputed Mueller’s characterization of him, claiming the report has “glaring inaccuracies.”
September 24, 2015: Rtskhiladze emailed Cohen about the Trump Tower Moscow deal. The email included a draft of a letter from the Trump Organization to the Mayor of Moscow, and Rtskhiladze explained “[w]e need to send this letter to the Mayor of Moscow (second guy in Russia) he is aware of the potential project and will pledge his support.”
September 24, 2015: Rtskhiladze emailed Cohen again, providing a translation of the letter which stated that the Trump Tower Moscow deal would represent a stronger relationship between the U.S. and Russia.
September 27, 2015: Rtskhiladze emailed Cohen again, suggesting that the Trump Organization work with a company controlled by a Russian architect on the Trump Tower Moscow deal.
October 12, 2015: Sater emailed Cohen, telling him that “VTB Bank President and Chairman Andrey Kostin was on board to fund the project.”
October 13, 2015: An individual by the name of Dmitry Chizhikov emailed Sater a copy of the Trump Tower Moscow letter of intent that had been signed by Rozov, asking him to have Trump sign it. Sater then passed the signed letter to Cohen.
October 28, 2015: Trump signed the letter of intent, addressed to Rozov and I.C. Expert, for the Trump Tower Moscow deal. Cohen emailed the letter back to Rozov on November 2, 2015.
November 4, 2015: Sometime around this date, Sater emailed Cohen that an unnamed individual would be joining him and Rozov on their vacation in the Bahamas, and that this individual was linked to the powerful Russian oligarchs Arkady and Boris Rotenberg.
November 16, 2015: Lana Erchova, who was married at the time to Russian businessman Dmitry Klokov, emailed Ivanka Trump on behalf of her husband “to offer Klokov’s assistance to the Trump Campaign.”
November 18-19, 2015: Klokov and Cohen “had at least one telephone call and exchanged several emails.”
November 18, 2015: Klokov emailed Cohen, recommending that he visit Russia.
November 18, 2015: Cohen emailed Klokov, indicating he was willing to meet.
November 18, 2015: Klokov emailed Cohen, agreeing that if Trump were going to visit Russia, it would be an informal visit.
November 18, 2015: Klokov emailed Cohen, suggesting that he separate the business negotiations from the potential plan for Trump to meet a “person of interest” in Moscow. This “person of interest” was identified by Klokov’s wife as Putin.
November 19, 2015: Klokov emailed Cohen, emphasizing that this “person of interest” was critical.
November 19, 2015: Cohen emailed Klokov, rejecting his suggestions.
December 1, 2015: Sater emailed Cohen, “asking him to send [Sater] photographs of his passport to facilitate a trip to Moscow.”
December 13, 2015: Evgeny Shmykov, a former Russian military intelligence (GRU) general working with Sater on the Trump Tower Moscow deal, requested passport information from Cohen in order to arrange a visa for a potential trip to Moscow. Shmykov made this request by calling Sater, who emailed Cohen saying “that he had Mr. Shmykov on the phone.”
December 19, 2015: Sater informed Cohen that the Russian state-owned sanctioned VTB Bank was arranging visas and an invitation to Russia.
December 19, 2015: Cohen sent Sater his passport details for the Russian visa, and Sater passed these details along to his GRU contact.
December 19, 2015: Sater asked for Trump’s passport details. Cohen replied that he would give them to Sater after Cohen returned from Moscow.
December 19, 2015: Sater asked for clarification, and Cohen replied “it’s premature for his and I am the one going.”
December 21, 2015: Mira Duma, described as “a contact of Ivanka Trump’s from the fashion industry,” invited Ivanka Trump and her father to the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum on behalf of Russian Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Prikhodko.
December 31, 2015: Sater sent Cohen an invitation to Moscow from the sanctioned Russian bank GenBank.
January 11, 2016: Cohen attempted to email Russian president Vladimir Putin’s top spokesperson Dmitry Peskov. The email reportedly did not go through because of an incorrect email address.
January 14, 2016: Cohen emailed Peskov—the equivalent of the White House press secretary—at the Kremlin asking for assistance the Trump Tower Moscow deal. The Kremlin originally confirmed that it received the email but stated that it did not reply.
January 14, 2016: Graff emailed Duma, declining the invitation to the economic forum.
January 15, 2016: Duma emailed Graff saying that a formal note to the Deputy Prime Minister declining the invitation would be “great.”
January 16, 2016: Cohen emailed Peskov’s office again, saying that “he was trying to reach another high-level Russian official, and asked for someone who spoke English to contact him.”
January 19, 2016: Goldstone emailed Donald Trump Jr., copying Graff, stating that he was “just in Moscow and met with a good friend who runs the marketing for [Russian social media site] VK.” Goldstone relayed the offer from VK to create a “campaign page on VK for Mr. Trump and market it to the almost 3 million influential Russian American voters living in the USA.”
January 19, 2016: Graff emailed Goldstone saying she had copied Dan Scavino, who would “be in touch.” Scavino headed the Trump campaign’s social media efforts.
January 19, 2016: Goldstone emailed Scavino and Graff, saying “Emin will be in NYC in January and I am sure would love to stop by.”
January 19, 2016: Scavino emailed Goldstone, copying Graff, saying “please feel free to send me whatever you have on this system” and stating that he would “share it with the team.”
January 20, 2016: Cohen received an email from Peskov’s assistant, “stating that she had been trying to reach [Cohen] and requesting that he call her using a Moscow-based phone number she provided.”
January 20, 2016: Sometime shortly on or after January 20, 2016, Cohen called Peskov’s assistant and spoke with her for around 20 minutes, describing his position at the Trump Organization and the proposed Trump Tower Moscow deal. He reportedly “requested assistance in moving the project forward, both in securing land to build the proposed tower and financing the construction.”
January 21, 2016: While working on the Trump Tower Moscow deal, Cohen received a letter from Russian mortgage tycoon Andrey Ryabinskiy, inviting him to Moscow “for a working visit.”
January 22, 2016: Sater asked Cohen to take a call with his former GRU contact.
January 22, 2016: Cohen replied that he could take the call.
January 22, 2016: Cohen took a call with a former GRU officer about the Trump Tower Moscow deal.
January 22, 2016: Sater then emailed Cohen saying “it’s all set.”
February 2016: Ukrainian politician Andrii V. Artemenko allegedly spoke with Cohen and Sater about a Ukrainian peace plan “at the time of the primaries, when no one believed that Trump would even be nominated.” This peace plan, which was ultimately delivered to then-national security adviser Michael Flynn, involved lifting U.S. sanctions on Russia. The Ukrainian ambassador to the United States noted that the plan could have been “pitched or pushed through only by those openly or covertly representing Russian interests.”
February 29, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. and Graff stating that Aras Agalarov asked Goldstone to “pass on his congratulations” to Trump and that Agalarov wanted to offer “his support and that of many of his important Russian friends and colleagues.” Emin Agalarov was copied on the email. The email contained a letter addressed to Trump from Aras Agalarov stating “all of us at Crocus Group follow with great interest your bright electoral campaign. On the eve of Super Tuesday we would like to wish you success in winning this major ballot.”
March 2016: Paul Manafort visited WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange in the Ecuadorian Embassy in London. Manafort had reportedly made multiple visits to Assange since 2013. The exact date of this visit is unclear, and while Manafort did not officially join the Trump campaign until March 28, 2016, he had been actively seeking to join the campaign for a number of weeks. As early as February 29, 2016, Manafort “reached out to Mr. Trump with a slick, carefully calibrated offer that appealed to the candidate’s need for professional guidance, thirst for political payback — and parsimony.”
March 14, 2016: George Papadopoulos, a Trump campaign foreign policy adviser, met with Joseph Mifsud in Italy. Mifsud is alleged to have high-level contacts within the Kremlin, although he has denied these allegations.
March 17, 2016: Russian Deputy Prime Minister Prikhodko emailed Graff “inviting Trump to participate in the 2016 Forum in St. Petersburg.”
March 24, 2016: Papadopoulos met with Mifsud and a “female Russian national” who he incorrectly believed was a relative of Putin’s. This individual was later revealed to be a woman by the name of Olga Polonskaya.
March 30, 2016: Trump’s former Deputy Campaign Chairman and aide Rick Gates emailed Konstantin Kilimnik, a Russian-Ukrainian political operative and former member of Russian intelligence, materials related to Manafort’s involvement in the Trump campaign “for translation and dissemination.”
March 31, 2016: New York banker Robert Foresman “began reaching out to Graff to secure an in-person meeting with candidate Trump. According to Foresman, he had been asked by Anton Kobyakov, a Russian presidential aide involved with the Roscongress Foundation, to see if Trump could speak at the Forum.” Foresman was introduced to Graff over the phone through Trump business associate Mark Burnett.
Late March 2016: After their phone introduction, Foresman emailed Graff as part of his attempt to pass along an overture from a Russian presidential aide.
April 10, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Polonskaya, saying that he was a Trump adviser.
April 11, 2016: Manafort corresponded with Kilimnik, asking if Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska had seen news coverage of Manafort joining the Trump campaign.
April 11, 2016: Kilimnik replied to Manafort’s email, saying “absolutely.”
April 11, 2016: Manafort emailed him again, asking “How do we use to get whole?”
April 11, 2016: Polonskaya emailed Papadopoulos back, stating that she “would be very pleased to support [his] initiatives between [their] two countries.”
April 11, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Polonskaya (cc’ing Mifsud) about the possibility of arranging a foreign policy trip to Russia.
April 11, 2016: Mifsud replied to Papadopoulos, saying, “this is already been agreed [sic].”
April 11, 2016: Polonskaya replied to Papadopoulos, saying, “we are all very excited by the possibility of a good relationship with Mr. Trump. The Russian Federation would love to welcome him once his candidature would be officially announced.”
April 11, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Mifsud, thanking him.
April 12, 2016: Mifsud emailed Papadopoulos, forwarding him a Libya-related document.
April 12, 2016: Mifsud emailed Papadopoulos again.
April 12, 2016: Mifsud and Papadopoulos exchanged at least one text message.
April 12, 2016: Papadopoulos and Mifsud met.
April 18, 2016: Mifsud introduced Papadopoulos (over email) to an individual claiming to have connections to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ivan Timofeev.
April 18-April 22, 2016: At some point within this date range, Papadopoulos and Timofeev held a Skype call.
April 22, 2016: Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos.
April 22-May 4, 2016: After the April 22 email exchange, at some point within this date range, Papadopoulos and Timofeev had “additional email communications […] including setting up conversations over Skype.” The contact above may be the “email communications” to which this refers, and this contact and the following one refer to the “conversations over Skype.”
April 22-May 4, 2016: As noted above, Papadopoulos and Timofeev set up “conversations over Skype,” indicating at least two Skype conversations during this time period.
April 25, 2016: Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos.
April 26, 2016: Foresman sent a reminder to Graff about setting up a meeting with Trump or another senior campaign official.
April 26, 2016: Mifsud told Papadopoulos that Russians had dirt on Hillary Clinton during a meeting in London.
April 27, 2016: Trump was introduced to Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak by Simes at a reception before Trump’s foreign policy speech.
April 27, 2016: Senior Trump campaign advisers Jeff Sessions and Jared Kushner met with Kislyak at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C., before Trump’s first foreign policy speech.
April 29, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Polonskaya about a potential trip to Russia.
April 30, 2016: Papadopoulos contacted Mifsud to thank him “for his ‘critical help’ in arranging a meeting between the Campaign and the Russian government.”
April 30, 2016: Foresman sent a reminder to Graff.
Late April 2016: Graff sent an apology to Foresman and forwarded his April 26, 2016 email (as well as his initial March 2016 email) to Corey Lewandowski.
May 2016-August 2016: During this time period, Gates “periodically sent Kilimnik polling data via WhatsApp.” Gates “sent Kilimnik polling data less frequently” after Manafort left the campaign in August.
May 2016-August 2016: This contact represents the second time Gates send Kilimnik polling data. The wording of the Mueller report suggests that Gates sent Kilimnik polling data at least five separate instances during this time period. The Mueller report makes it clear that Gates had been sending Kilimnik polling data frequently, and after August 2016, he began sending it less frequently. This implies Gates sent Kilimnik data multiple times after August 2016, which we will conservatively consider two contacts. That in turn implies that Gates must have sent Kilimnik polling data more times prior to August than he did after August—that is, at least three times. As such, we conservatively interpret the report to include at least five contacts between Gates and Kilimnik regarding polling data. Gates may have had many more contacts with Kilimnik during this time period. It is also unclear if Kilimnik replied to Gates’ messages, which would also entail additional contacts.

Sorry, I didn't see any Russian collusion in there anywhere. And, neither did Mueller.

 

[Hank77]

EDIT Still in Barr thread.

 

[JosephZ]

You'll have to give details on all the other contacts I'm supposed to care about.

Here's a few more:
May 2016-August 2016: As indicated above, this contact represents the third time Gates sent Kilimnik polling data.
May 2016: Russian central banker Alexander Torshin passed a proposal through conservative activist Rick Clay to Trump campaign aide Rick Dearborn. Torshin was advocating for a meeting between Trump and Putin. Torshin and alleged Russian ageny Maria Butina reportedly made the request to Clay “through a longtime friend.” Dearborn forwarded Clay’s email to Manafort, Gates, and Kushner. Kushner reportedly told Dearborn to decline the invitation.
May 2016: Dearborn emailed Clay to reject the proposed meeting.
May 4, 2016: Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos claiming to have talked to his colleagues in the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who were “open for cooperation.”
May 5, 2016: Cohen received an invitation from Peskov to visit Russia, delivered through Sater. Sater wrote to Cohen that Peskov “would like to invite you as his guest to the St. Petersburg Forum which is Russia’s Davos it’s June 16–19. He wants to meet there with you and possibly introduce you to either [the President of Russia] or [the Prime Minister of Russia], as they are not sure if 1 or both will be there. . . . He said anything you want to discuss including dates and subjects are on the table to discuss.”
May 6, 2016: Gates arranged for Kilimnik to travel to New York to meeting Manafort the following day.
May 7, 2016: Manafort met with Kilimnik.
May 8, 2016: Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos about putting him in touch with the “MFA head of the U.S. desk.”
May 10, 2016: Republican operative Paul Erickson emailed Dearborn, saying “Russia is quietly but actively seeking a dialogue with the U.S. that isn’t forthcoming under the current administration” and that “the Kremlin believes that the only possibility of a true re-set in this relationship would be with a new Republican White House.” Erickson at the time was an NRA member and, according to the House Intelligence Committee, maintained “close ties with Torshin and Butina.” The email stated that Russia wanted to make “first contact” with the Trump campaign at the annual NRA convention that that Putin wanted to invite Trump to Moscow before the election.
Mid May, 2016: In the subsequent weeks after May 4, 2016, Timofeev reportedly “set up Skype calls with [Papadopoulos] and discussed, among other things, the fact that Foreign Contact 2 reported ‘a good reaction from the U.S. desk at the MFA.’”
May 13, 2016: Mifsud emailed Papadopoulos, stating, “we will continue to liaise through you with the Russian counterparts in terms of what is needed for a high level meeting of Mr. Trump with the Russian federation.”
May 21, 2016: Trump Jr. dined with Torshin at the NRA national convention.
Late May 2016: Trump campaign official Michael Caputo spoke with Russian national Henry Greenberg over the phone (Greenberg also goes by the name of Henry Oknyansky). Greenberg claimed to have helpful information for the Trump campaign, and after this conversation, Caputo put Greenberg in touch with longtime Trump advisor Roger Stone.
Late May 2016: Stone met with Greenberg in Sunny Isles, Florida. Stone claimed Greenberg promised damaging information about Hillary Clinton. Greenberg allegedly wanted Trump to pay $2 million for the information, and Stone claimed he rejects this offer. A Ukrainian individual by the name of Alexei Rasin also attended the meeting. The Mueller report indicates that Rasin was “involved in Florida real estate” and “offered to sell Stone derogatory information in Clinton.” Stone refused the offer. Although Greenberg claimed that Caputo attended this meeting, it is unclear if he did so.
Summer 2016: Gates “remained in email contact with Kilimnik through the summer and fall of 2016.”
June 3, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr., informing him that “the crown prosecutor” of Russia met with Aras Agalarov and “offered to provide the Trump campaign with some official documents and information that would incriminate Hillary.” Goldstone stated that this information was “part of Russia and its government’s support for Mr. Trump.”
June 3, 2016: Trump Jr. replied to Goldstone’s email, saying “if it’s what you say I love it especially later in the summer.”
June 6, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. asking when he would be free to talk with Emin over the phone “about this Hillary info.”
June 6, 2016: Trump Jr. emailed Goldstone, asking if they could speak.
June 6, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr., saying he would “track” Emin down.
June 6, 2016: Trump Jr. provided a cellphone number to Goldstone.
June 6, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. that he was “sure” Emin could call.
June 6, 2016: Trump Jr. emailed Goldstone, thanking him “for the help.”
June 6-June 7, 2016: As Trump Jr. later stated, “my phone records show three very short phone calls between Emin and me between June 6th and June 7th. I do not recall speaking to Emin Agalarov. It is possible that we left each other voice mail messages. I simply do not remember.” An attorney for Emin Agalarov also stated that his client did not recall speaking with Trump Jr.
June 6-June 7, 2016: As stated above, Trump Jr. and Agalarov allegedly spoke for a second time within this date range.
June 6-June 7, 2016: As stated above, Trump Jr. and Agalarov allegedly spoke for a third time within this date range.
June 7, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. to schedule the meeting.
June 7, 2016: Trump Jr. emailed Goldstone to set a time for the meeting.
June 7, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr., saying “perfect.”
June 7, 2016: Trump Jr. emailed Goldstone stating that Manafort and Kushner would also likely attend the meeting.
June 8, 2016: Goldstone asked Trump Jr. to change the meeting time.
June 8, 2016: Trump Jr. emailed Goldstone confirming the changed time.
June 9, 2016: Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. again regarding the time change.
June 9, 2016: Trump Jr., Manafort, Kushner, and Goldstone met in Trump Towerwith Russian attorney and lobbyistNatalia Veselnitskaya, former State Department contractor Anatoli Samochornov, Russian-American lobbyist and former Soviet counterintelligence officer Rinat Akhmetshin, and Georgian real estate and finance executive Irakly Kaveladze.
June 10, 2016: Agalarov “delivered to candidate Trump an expensive painting for the candidate’s birthday.”
June 17, 2016: Trump reportedly sent Agalarov a thank you note for the birthday gift, saying “I can only say how much I appreciate your friendship and to thank you for this fantastic gift.”
June 19, 2016: Papadopoulos had “several email and Skype exchanges” with Timofeev. During one of these exchanges, Timofeev reportedly suggested that a Trump campaign official come to Russia for a meeting.
June 19, 2016: As stated above, Papadopoulos continued to have “several email and Skype exchanges” with Timofeev, indicating at least two contacts.
June 29, 2016: Goldstone emailed Scavino, copying Trump Jr. and Graff. Goldstone stated that VK wanted “to create a VOTE Trump 2016 promotion” aimed at Russian American voters living in the U.S. The email copied the head of Partner Relations for VK, Konstantin Sidorkov. Goldstone stated that Sidorkov was a “good friend of [his] and Emin’s.”
July 2016: Stone allegedly spoke with Assange over the phone, and Assange reportedly told Stone that “within a couple of days, there would be a massive dump of emails that would damage Hillary Clinton’s campaign.” Stone appears to have denied Cohen’s statement disclosing this contact.
July 7, 2016: Manafort emailed Kilimnik about offering private briefings on the campaign to Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska, to whom Manafort owed at least $19 million.
July 7-8, 2016: Carter Page, a Trump campaign foreign policy adviser, traveled to Moscow to give a speech. While there, he met with Andrey Baranov, head of investor relations at Rosneft.
July 7-8, 2016: While Page was in Moscow, he spoke to Russian Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich.
July 8, 2016: Kilimnik replied to Manafort, indicating that he thought the rift between Manafort and Deripaska would be mended and they would “get back to the original relationship with” Deripaska.
July 14, 2016: Papadopoulos emailed Timofeev, trying to set a meeting between Trump team officials and Russian officials.
July 15, 2016: Sergei Millian, a businessman who was born in Belarus, messaged Papadopoulos on LinkedIn, introducing himself and claiming to have “insider knowledge and direct access to the top hierarchy in Russian politics.”
July 16, 2016: Papadopoulos and Millian exchanged at least one text message.
July 18, 2016: Sessions keynoteda luncheon in Cleveland, co-hosted by the Heritage Foundation and the U.S. Department of State. He met with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak following his remarks
July 20, 2016: Page and J.D. Gordon, the Trump campaign’s director of national security,also metwith Kislyak during the Republican National Convention in Cleveland. Gordon and Kislyak shook hands and Gordon “reiterated that he had meant what he said in the speech about improving U.S.-Russia relations.”
July 20, 2016: Gordon and Kislyak “ran into” each other at an evening reception as part of the conference. They ate at the same table and talked for approximately five minutes.
July 22, 2016: Papadopoulos messaged Timofeev on Facebook, asking if he knew Millian.
July 23, 2016: Timofeev messaged Papadopoulos on Facebook, saying he did not know Millian.
July 25, 2016: Stone emailed right-wing activist Jerome Corsi directing him to “get to” Assange. Corsi forwarded Stone’s email to an individual believed to be conservative author Ted Malloch. For the purposes of this report, we count directions from a member of the Trump team to an intermediary to contact a Russia-linked operative.
July 26, 2016: Papadopoulos messaged Timofeev on Facebook.
July 26, 2016: Timofeev messaged Papadopoulos on Facebook.
July 29, 2016: Kilimnik emailed Manafort, and they agreed to meet again.
July 29, 2016: Manafort emailed Kilimnik.
July 30, 2016: Papadopoulos and Millian exchanged two text messages.
July 30, 2016: As noted above, Papadopoulos and Millian exchanged two text messages.
July 30, 2016: Papadopoulos and Millian met in New York City.
July 31, 2016: Papadopoulos and Millian exchanged two text messages.
July 31, 2016: As noted above, Papadopoulos and Millian exchanged two text messages.
July 31, 2016: Manafort emailed Kilimnik.
July 31, 2016: Stone emailed Corsi directing him to call Stone and saying that Malloch “should see” Assange.
August 2016-November 2016: As indicated earlier in this report, Gates sent Kilimnik polling data during this time period “less frequently.” This contact represents the fourth time Gates sent Kilimnik polling data.
August 2016-November 2016: As indicated earlier in this report, Gates sent Kilimnik polling data during this time period less frequently. This contact represents the fifth time Gates sent Kilimnik polling data.
August 2016: A Russian embassy representative contacted Sessions about arranging a meeting with Kislyak.
August 1, 2016: Millian texted Papadopoulos.
August 1, 2016: Papadopoulos and Millian met in New York City.
August 2, 2016: Millian and Papadopoulos exchanged two text messages about the possibility of Papadopoulos attending or speaking at two international energy conferences, one of which was in Moscow.
August 2, 2016: Millian and Papadopoulos exchanged two text messages about the energy conferences.
August 2, 2016: Manafort met with Kilimnik.
August 3, 2016: A Russian embassy official wrote to Gordon to invite him for breakfast with Kislyak.
August 3, 2016: Millian and Papadopoulos exchanged two Facebook messages about the energy conferences.
August 3, 2016: As noted above, Millian and Papadopoulos exchanged two Facebook messages about the energy conferences.
August 8, 2016: Gordon declined the invitation for breakfast with Kislyak.
August 14, 2016: Stone sent a direct message over Twitter to Guccifer 2.0, saying “delighted you are reinstated.” Guccifer 2.0, a persona created by Russian GRU officers, worked with WikiLeaks “to release the stolen materials in the US election.”
August 15, 2016: Guccifer 2.0 replied to Stone, thanking him for writing.
August 15, 2016: Stone replied to Guccifer 2.0, asking Guccifer 2.0 to retweet a link.
August 17, 2016: Guccifer 2.0 sent Stone numerous direct messages over Twitter, praising him and offering assistance.
August 23, 2016: Millian messaged Papadopoulos over Facebook claiming he would “share with [Papadopoulos] a disruptive technology that might be instrumental in [his] political work for the campaign.”
September 2016: Gates was in contact with an unnamed individual who the FBI assessed had ongoing ties to Russian intelligence.
September 8, 2016: Sessions met againwith Kislyak in his D.C. Senate office; the meeting went undisclosed until March 2, 2017. Sessions reportedlysaid that at the meeting, he “listened to the ambassador and what his concerns might be.” Sessions noted that they discussed travel to Russia, terrorism, and Ukraine, although Sessions could not recall “any specific political discussions.”
September 9, 2016: Guccifer 2.0 sent a direct message to Stone containing a link to hacked voter turnout data from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. Guccifer 2.0 provided this hacked information to a Republican political operative, who published it on his blog.
September 9, 2016: Stone replied to Guccifer 2.0, saying that the information was “pretty standard.”
September 18, 2016: Stone texted radio host Randy Credico, saying “I am e-mailing u a request to pass on to [Assange.]” Credico replied to Stone to confirm that he was passing the request along to Assange.
September 19, 2016: Stone texted Credico asking him to pass a message to Assange. Credico replied “I did,” apparently indicating that he had sent at least one message to Assange on Stone’s behalf.
September 20, 2016: Credico forwarded Stone’s request “to a friend who was an attorney with the ability to contact [Assange,]” bcc’ing Stone on the email.
September 20, 2016: WikiLeaks contacted Trump Jr. via Twitter, giving him the login credentials for what WikiLeaks described as “a PAC run anti-Trump site.”
September 21, 2016: Trump Jr. replied, thanking WikiLeaks.
September 29, 2016: Butina and Gordon met “at a party at the Swiss ambassador’s residence.”
September 29, 2016: Erickson emailed Gordon and Butina after a party at the Swiss ambassador’s residence. Erickson noted to Butina that Gordon was “playing a crucial role in the Trump transition effort,” and noted to Gordon that Butina had links to Torshin.
September 2016–October 2016: Gordon emailed Butina and Erickson with “a clip of a recent appearance he had made on RT, the Russian state-run English language television network.”
September 2016–October 2016: Butina responded to Gordon’s email, inviting him to a dinner hosted by conservative writer and Rockefeller heir George O’Neill Jr. As The Washington Post noted, “Prosecutors cited the dinners organized by O’Neill, described in court documents as ‘person 2,’ as part of Butina’s efforts to influence thought leaders.”
September 2016–October 2016: Gordon responded to Butina’s email, declining the dinner invitation but inviting her for drinks and to a concert. In his correspondence with Butina, he reportedly “included a link to a September 2016 Politico story reporting that he was a part of Trump’s growing transition effort.”

October 2016: Gates had another contact with the unnamed individual who had ongoing ties to Russian intelligence.
October 3, 2016: WikiLeaks contacted Trump Jr. over Twitter, asking him to “comment on/push” a story about Hillary Clinton.
October 3, 2016: Trump Jr. replied to the message, stating that he “already did.” He then asked WikiLeaks about a leak that had been foreshadowed by a tweet from Stone.
October 12, 2016: WikiLeaks contacted Trump Jr., urging him to ask his father to tweet WikiLeaks links (which he did). WikiLeaks contacted Trump Jr. several other times, although he stopped replying to the messages. WikiLeaks suggested to Trump Jr. that if Trump were to lose the election, Trump should not concede and instead should “[challenge] the media and other types of rigging that occurred.” These reciprocated contacts between Trump Jr. and WikiLeaks continued through the election and into summer 2017.
October 13, 2016: After WikiLeaks released a statement claiming they had not communicated with Stone, Stone sent WikiLeaks a direct message “about his defense of Assange and the organization.”
November 9, 2016: Hicks received an email from Sergey Kuznetsov, a Russian embassy official. Kuznetsov emailed from his Gmail account and the subject line of the email was “Message from Putin.” The Mueller report stated, “Attached to the email was a message from Putin, in both English and Russian, which Kuznetsov asked Hicks to convey to the President-Elect. In the message, Putin offered his congratulations to Trump for his electoral victory, stating he ‘look[ed] forward to working with [Trump] on leading Russian-American relations out of crisis.’” The Mueller report strongly implies that this email was related to the phone call Hicks received earlier that morning.
There's are even more examples at the link, but I think you will agree that there was quite a bit of contact between the Russians and the Trump Campaign.

 

[Hank77]

That doesn't seem like their strategy at all, considering it is Democrats who are still beating dead horses in the leftist media. They already look like ignorant, revengeful hacks, but that is their own doing.

Why is Fox still reporting on it?

Napolitano: Mueller report shows 'classic obstruction of justice'

Judge Andrew Napolitano: Did Attorney General William Barr deceive Congress?

 

[JosephZ]

Sorry, I didn't see any Russian collusion in there anywhere. And, neither did Mueller.

That would be because Mueller's investigation was never looking for evidence of collusion. It was looking for conspiracy.

 

[The Barbarian]

I think there were 10 (TEN) investigations on Benghazi. Doesn't that sound about right?

They kept hoping "This one will work, I just know it!"

 

[The Barbarian]

Why is Fox still reporting on it?

Napolitano: Mueller report shows 'classic obstruction of justice'

Fox is now hedging their bets on Trump. Hence the sudden friendliness with Bernie.